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The Reign 
of Reason. 



A Treatise 
on Political 
Economy :: 

By I. F. Bradley 



Price 50 Cents 



CONTENTS 

I 

Primitive Man. 

II 

The Formation and Early Operation of 

Goverment. 

Ill 

Goverment as We Now Have It. 

IV 

The Menopoly of Land-Labor and Capital— 

Wages-and The Distribttion of Wealth. 

V 

Goverment by The Rule of Three 

VI 

A Living Example. 

VII 

The Certainty and Justice of Reason and 

The Uncertainty of Sentiment. 

VIII 

A Reasonable Man is Much to be prefered, 

To An Excessivaly Religious one — (only ) 

IX 

The Out-Look. 



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To Those Who Would be Fair to Others, These Lines 
are Dedicated 

I. F. BRADLEY 



All Rights Reserved 



The Author 



It is a difficult matter for one to talk of himself, for that 
reason this statement will be short. 

They say, I was born in Cambridge, Saline County, Mo., Sep- 
tember 8, 1862. 

I do not remember ever seeing my father, for the reason, 
that very shortly after my advent, he took French leave, to help 
settle a little matter of unpleasantness that was on at that time. 

Missouri was a great place then, especially for hard times; 
some instances of which I very well remember, among them: 
That from the time I was about four years old, until I was seven- 
teen, I never had a new hat or a new pair of shoes, in fact, was 
often short on old ones. 

However, when I was nineteen years old, there came to that 
little town a man, whose clothes fitted him, and he had a man- 
ner and bearing altogether different from what I had been ac- 
customed to see, and I learned that he had been to the Lincoln 
Institute at Jefferson City. 

Up to that time, I had always thought I would try to keep 
away from that town; however, seeing this man, and learning 
of this new institution, I gathered courage enough to go there. 

So the fall of 1881 found me there — in the city I mean — I 
entered Lincoln Institute, and finished a four years course; 
the ways and means by which I made it, I will not stop to 
enumerate, suffice it to say, that although they were hard, they 
are pleasant to remember. 

In the fall of 1885, I entered the law department of Kansas 
University and finished in 1887, and came here to Kansas City, 
Kas., as soon as I could make it down here, and have been here 
ever since, where most of you who will read these lines, have 
seen and known me. 

I have always liked the idea of ascertaining the reason for 
anything and firmly believed, and still believe, that there is 
greater power and safety in reason, than there is in any, or all 
things else combined. 

It has been that idea that has prompted what I have said 
in these pages. I can hardly expect any one to think as much 
of them as I have. 

And if any one thinks enough of them to criticise them, rest 
assured I will not at all be displeased; but politely recalling 
your attention to my birthplace very likely, will want to know 
Your Reason. Yours very respectfully, 

I. F. BRADLEY. 

©CU406399 
JUN 19 1815 



^U) / 



Introduction 



la the following pages I propose to show that the several 
civilizations of history have been based upon a political econ- 
omy False in Theory, and unreasonable and pernicious in 
practice. 

That the present type, is not more fortunate than its pre- 
decessors and is cursed by the presence of the same evil. 

That government consists of two sorts of acts. 

Those involving the laying and collecting of its revenue, 
which are such as conduce to its preservation. 

And the kind which covers the expenditure of this revenue, 
which includes those which conduce (or should do so) to the 
preservation of the people; all of which are more or less colored 
by certain principles, which are accepted as the basis of the 
system, of which they are a part. 

Also to show that the systems now controlling the action 
of men are grossly wrong, by showing some of the evils en- 
tailed by reason of their operation. 

That, chief among these evils, is that of: The unjust and 
unequal distribution of the Produced Wealth of the world, caused 
principally by reason of the monopoly of land; together with 
the Private Usurpation of the Increased, or Community value 
of such land. 

That the Theory and methods of Taxation, are in a ^reat 
measure wrong, by showing that properly and economically 
there is but one subject of Taxation — and that subject — is The 
Land. 

That economic laws do not depend upon conventional en- 
actments for their Truth and force; but instead, have their rise 

3 



in the association of men in communities; and that all civic 
laws should be but deductions from these Natural principles, 
applied as rules of actions. 

That the evils entailed by violating economic laws, will 
never be corrected by Sentimental action, whatever may be its 
source. 

That the energy of our Statesmen for more than thirty 
years has been spent decidedly more in avoiding the effect of 
violating economic laws, than to the end of removing the evil 
itself, which has resulted in an increase of it. 

That in economics proper, there is no Conflict between 
Labor and Capital, but instead, their interests are Common. 

That it has been the failure to apply the rules of Reason 
to the economic affairs of men, that has entailed all that is un- 
desirable in the past, as well as the present civilization. 

And that a proper conception of such principles, and the 
application of such rules, constitute the only remedy. 

That such may be accomplished by means of the Unquali- 
fied and Complete application of Common Sense; which will 
constitute the Reign of Reason. 



The Reign of Reason 



PRIMITIVE MAN. 



In the beginning, man was either a peaceful being pre 
ferring tranquility and prosperity, rather than turmoil and de- 
struction; or he was the opposite, with all that the opposite 
idea involves. 

In considering this question, it matters not whether one 
accepts the theory involved in the story of Eden, or its con- 
verse, in evolution; for in either instance, we arrive at the 
point where discord displaced harmony in the course of human 
affairs. 

So that regardless of notions along these lines, four things 
we know. 

There is decisive, and abundant discord. 

There is dissatisfaction on _ the part of man, with his estate. 

There is continued effort to attain another, and different 
one. 

The system under which we hold, is based upon and main- 
tained by force. 

This condition of affairs shows that there has been a viola- 
tion of a great economic law or laws which has entailed such 
consequences, as will absorb the energy and effort of men, until 
such time, when they shall cease to violate, and attempt to 
avoid, the inexorable rules of existence. 

Therefore, regardless of the whence, the whither, to us is 
decidedly the more important, as involving our destiny. 

In seeking the solution of the problem presented, it is but 
natural that we begin at the point where discord displaced 
harmony; in order, if possible to change the conditions. 

The very notion of existence carries with it, the idea of 
the presence of certain principles; among the most pronounced 
of which, are Cause and Effect; the rules governing the rela- 
tions of which, constitute the science of reason. 

5 



The application of these rules to the conduct of men, is 
the province of properly constituted government. 

It is therefore clear at a glance, that the discord that has 
caused the world's work and its waste, has been produced hy 
being out of unison with the principles of reason; and by a 
misapplication or failure to apply its rules to the affairs and 
conduct of men. 

And that each wrongful effect, itself being a cause, has 
carried and continued the malady. 

There can be no intelligent consideration of man, in any 
other than collective existence, hence the first and most im- 
portant laws or principles governing his well-being, were those 
of an economic nature; for we may not think of the necessity 
of a law or rule that was not for his welfare. 

For the same reason, it is easy to observe, that the cohes- 
iveness, the prosperity and the happiness of a community all 
have their rise, standing or fall in the conception had by a 
people; of economic laws, together with their inclination to 
olbey them. 

I believe the paramount mistake of man has been in his 
considering and accepting his first information as a curse, and 
believing that it derived force and power because uttered as 
such, by Divinity. 

I further believe that the first great economic law was ut- 
tered in the following: "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou 
eat bread." 

And that it was uttered by Divinity, because it was True, 
and in accordance with reason; rather than true, because ut- 
tered by Divinity. 

We give utterance to the same law, when we subscribe to 
the doctrine: "There is no excellence without labor'' or that 
other, so often put forward; "God helps those, who help them- 
selves." 

It is not reasonable to think of an infinitely wise and merci- 
ful God in the sheerest fit of anger and revenge, launching 
upon his weak and erring creature that which was intended 
to render him still weaker and more wretched, simply because 
he had power to curse and punish. 

There seems to be but one conclusion to reach, when con- 
sidering this matter, which is: "In the sweat of thy face shalt 
thou eat bread" was not meant to curse the soul, but instead, 
was intended as the means of its salvation. 

And that the time of the misconception that it was intend- 
ed as a curse, was that in which discord displaced harmony 
in the universe. 

6 



Then it was, that Force became the active principle in the 
conduct of men; and through the ages, has (built and destroyed 
the sections of their existence, known as civilizations. 

It is indeed, interesting to consider these periods of man's 
existence, and to note their construction, maintenance and de- 
struction. 

The habitual acts and conduct in a community are first 
called their customs, longer known and more clearly defined 
they are called the laws thereof; and extended over a greater 
domain, and for a greater length of time, they become known 
as the civilization of that age. 

Of these; several types have passed, and the following are 
some of the questions that arise, upon a comparative consider- 
ation of them. ~-~* 

Were these civilizations different in their mean features? 
If so, in what way. Were tbey progressive, in that the end of 
one, was a node; where another began? »• r 

Were there features, outside of the subject man, that were 
constant in and through all of them? If so, what were they? 

What was the ultimate of each of them? 

All these civilizations, save one; in their mean and motive 
features, did not differ, in that, all of them were but strug- 
gles by the many, to attain that which seems to have been en- 
joyed by the few — a state of sustenance in repose. 

They were not progressive, but covered the same ground 
with a different particularity. 'Certain constants there were, 
through all of them, among the most pronounced, was the in- 
clination to reverence something, and the less known of that 
which was reverenced, the deeper the reverence, hence the 
superstitious and religious element in them. 

Another, was a system of Economy, based upon such prin- 
ciples as generated, and exercised to the limit all the base 
passions of human nature, which accounts for the destructive 
strain to be found in them; and the conquest of each one, by 
its successor. 

Another, and perhaps the strongest one, has been the in- 
clination to preserve the species at its greatest possible ease. 

And this is pre-eminently a legitimate one, and in a realm 
of reason; would be conducive to the highest possibility. 

But in those, where reason was not the ruling principle; it 
has been the cause of the bulk of the undesirable conduct to be 
found in them. 

And lastly, to one estate each and every one of them 
attained. 

Each one passed, and by the same process, that is to say: 



In the beginning, each was strong and vigorous; at its height, 
evincing much splendor and power, but withal, a weakness; 
that later told in darkened splendor , diminished power; and 
by turmoil within, and force from without; tottered to its fall. 
For this reason it may not be considered strange, when it is 
observed that the trend of American civilization, although com- 
paratively young, is along the path traveled by those that have 
flourished, faded and fallen. 

And I speak of American civilization advisedly, for it is 
inevitable that our name will be stamped upon this, the last 
lap; in the "Course of empire on its westward way" in which 
our Insular policies may be characterized as the taking hold 
by the hands of the Occident of the heels of the Orient, thus 
completing the course; and making it possible for the Star of 
Empire to rise in the East again, "Westward to take its way." 

And of such possibility, the late upheaval in the Ottoman 
Empire, the breaking-up of staid old Persian institutions, or a 
revolution and parliament in China; any or all of which, is 
more or less ominous. 

But let that be as it may, when considering former civiliza- 
tions; one idea forces recognition; each of them has flourished, 
faded and fallen; in spite of tremendous efforts by force, to 
survive. 

And another that comes to notice is. that in the age that 
we know; there seems to be such an attenuation of the theory 
and practice of The Golden Rule, and such a strengthening of 
the Rule of Gold; such an appreciation of property rights, at 
the expense and depreciation of Human happiness; as sug- 
gests, that its civilization will prove to be a beter copyist 
than it will a pioneer to higher attainments. 

However, without further prediction, we will start with 
the proposition, upon which all are agreed. 

That it is the duty of every one. to lend his best effort to 
find the loose screw, in the complex machinery of our collec- 
tive existence; which increases the problem of maintenance 
with the density of population. 

And in treating this subject, all that is asked of the reader 
is that he will not allow his attachment to any given system, 
to so dominate him, that it will cause him to mistake an Over- 
plus of desire that such system shall accomplish the desired 
end for a belief that it will so do. as will prejudice him 
against a fair consideration of any and all other methods for 
the amelioration of the condition of man. 

And particularly, that he do not allow himself to become 



prejudiced against the notion of a state, based upon the idea of 
Truth and Right Reason applied to the affairs of men. 

A state in which Reason, without Sentiment, Reason Pure 
and Plain, will be the rule Supreme; a state, in which the 
thought will be, not so much of the Whence, nor even of the 
Whither; as it would be of tbe NOW. 

There can be given no good reason, why such a state 
should not exist, and the retrospect, beyond all question, pres- 
ents the very best one why a state of that sort should be 
established; in the fact, that each of the civilizations that have 
swung into, and passed out of the course of human events, 
has done so, in spite of the fact, that in each of them, there 
were present at fever heat both the desire, and the belief, 
that such system was all-sufficient; while unfortunately for 
them, the unerring and invincible rule of Reason was absent 
from them all. 



THE FORMATION AND EARLY OPERATION OF 
GOVERNMENT. 

"I think, therefore I exist," is as true now, as it was when 
Descartes first uttered it; and great is the pity, that men 
have not in a greater measure followed the great philosopher's 
example. 

And since to think is to exist, and to think seriously and 
correctly, is but to Reason, the conclusion is patent, that the 
highest and most desirable state of existence is that in which 
there is the greatest modicum of Right Reason. 

To discern the motive for Collective existence among men, 
leads us to a consideration of the most primitive community; 
growing out of necessity, for protection from other animals; 
and losses caused by stress of weather and changes of sea- 
sons. 

The very notion of pooling interests in a community, car- 
ries with it the idea of divesting one's self of a portion of his 
personal liberty. 

As well also, that perfection in such community, bore a 
direct relation to the regulation and limitation equally of such 
personal liberty; and that tbe smooth operation of it depended 
upon consent and action by all; as well as operation alike and 
equal upon all. 

It is also clear, that the formation of such a community, 
and the performance of such acts therein was nothing more 
nor less, than the formation and conducting of a government. 

Hence, it is clear that the first government established, 

9 



was a Government of Men, for Men, by Men, that derived all of 
its powers from THOSE men, and that it had nor claimed no 
other powers. 

it is also clear, that this government was Simple, and nad 
its Rise, its strength, and hope of perpetuity, in the All-con- 
taining Realm of Reason. 

This primeval community having formed the first govern- 
ment among men it is but proper to note its first operations. 

By thus assembling, they in no way changed the course of 
Nature, but rather, their formation was in accordance with her 
great law of Cause and Effect. Up to this time, the factors of 
their happiness had been the Earth, Sunlight, Labor and 
Wealth, the last, being the product of the first three; in form 
it would be: Earth, plus Sunlight, plus Labor, equals Wealth, 
the basis of well-being and happiness. 

It is also clear, that up to the formation of this government, 
there had been a free and unlimited use of these factors of pro- 
duction; and that the product constituted the wealth of the 
world. 

And that this wealth was held by those, who had pro- 
duced it; each holding the full result of his labor. 

That no one of them laid claim to any portion of what an- 
other had produced; by reason of the claimant's owning any 
one or more of the factors of the others production. 

That there was nothing to prevent, and that each one did, 
occupy as much of the earth's surface as he could with his 
labor utilize. 

And it is equally as clear, that all the Rest, Residue and 
Remainder, of the surface thereof, was wholly unaffected by 
such one, and was to the use and benefit of any one who could, 
and was inclined to use it. 

That any one of them, failing to use these factors of pro- 
duction in some manner, other than claiming to own one (the 
earth) at reckoning time was found to possess no wealth. 

That those, and those only, who labored and produced it, 
possessed the wealth of the world. 

That in estimating this wealth, land was not considered, 
any more than was Sunlight or Labor, but was considered along 
with them, and equally so, as one of the factors of produc- 
tion. 

That the idea of Monopoly of land, and its annual rental 
value was unknown, and would have been as preposterous, as 
the notion of Monopoly of the other factor of production, Sun- 
light, and of its annual rental value. 

in 



With the consciousness of the truth of the foregoing pro- 
positions, this early community proceeded to ascertain and 
collect what each member had to contribute to insure its con- 
tinuance. 

This was the first act of government under the sun; and 
the application of that which was gathered, to the proper pur- 
poses, was the second and equally important act. 

And the continuance of government was thus assured in the 
repetition in their order, of these two sorts of action. 

The first, the laying and collecting of the tribute, necessary 
for its preservation. The second, in the expenditure of this 
tribute, for the preservation of the people. 

With the very thought of Tribute or Tax, comes the idea 
of a basis therefor; that involves the qualities of Certainty, 
Sufficiency and Justice. 

So it was with this early community; to begin with, each 
had a portion of the Earth in sunlight, upon and in which he 
lalbored; which resulted in wealth; these constituted the sum 
of all to be considered, when seeking a basis for laying the 
tax. 

The intangible nature of Sunlight, together with the man- 
ner of its utilization, rendered it then, as it is now, unthink- 
able as a subject of taxation. 

The reasons were several and ample, why they did not 
list labor or the surplus wealth produced thereby as subjects 
of taxation, among them, the uncertainty and injustice involved, 
as well also, that such a method would have borne directly 
against the inclination to labor; and would have been destruc- 
tive of community existence. 

But let us look at the matter from a point of direct ex- 
change: We know what the community or government de- 
mands in order to be maintained, now what is it that the in- 
dividual gets from the community? 

While the advantages may be enumerated under many 
heads, tbey may all be summed up in the following to-wit: The 
benefits in LOCATION, the LAND OCCUPIED and enjoyed. 

This, the Location, Land, is that which, became desirable 
by reason o.f the Community, and assumed an increasing value, 
running with and increasing with the community. 

That was the body and substance of the gift of the com- 
munity to the individual, and it was this Location, or Land, 
and it alone, that could, and did form the proper basis upon 
which to lay the burden of its maintenance. 

And this increased value of the laud, by reason of increase 

11 



in number in the community, remained a vested right in the 
COMMUNITY, because of the mutuality between the Individual 
and the community unalienable in its very nature; for to think 
of a community alienating or disposing of it, is to think of it 
as disposing of its very self, a veritable contradiction of ideas. 
And the usurping of this community value, and monopolizing 
land, would have been then, as it is now, the exact reverse of 
Economic laws. 

Hence we may clearly see that the basis of Taxation for 
the maintenance of this early government, was the LAND 
VALUE in it, as made by it, and that this increased value, as 
in all instances it should, remained the property of the com 
munity or government; and in no case to be usurped or mono- 
polized by individuals, for the very reason that such acts would 
have been violative of the law of cause and effect. 

And this was not only true and capable of application in 
that early government as an Economic principle; but is still 
true, and capable of application today, and would be curative 
of the great bulk of evils from which we suffer; for I can not 
believe, that Economic principles ever change; or if applied, 
the effect in one age, would be different from what it would 

in another. 

« 

It is therefore clear, that the principle appliej£_in this early 



government, was more conducive to ^nVotfua y distribution of 
wealth, as well also, the burdens of government, than a sys- 
tem based upon the monopoly of the community value of land 
by the individual, and the holding of it as wealth for specula- 
tive purposes. 

And it is also clear, that it is the violation of the rules of 
Reason and Economy, in the later system; that has rendered 
it a net-work of subtleties and make-shifts too fine to be com- 
prehended by the ordinary mind, but rather, a subject for legal 
gymnastics by which those who never saw, nor ever will see 
or use the land, are enabled to gather unearned Fortunes <by 
drawing upon the productive powers of others. 

Fortunes consisting wholly in the power to command a 
portion of the wealth produced by others; based solely upon the 
CLAIM, in such person, to own, a certain unused portion of 
the earth; desired to be used by such producer. 

Why not make the claim, because of the ownership of cer- 
tain Currents of atmosphere, or Rays of Sunlight, yet to be 
blown or impinged? 

Either of the latter, would be just as reasonable as is the 
former. 

And so long as there is a maintenance of a system of 

12 



economy, that creates and develops selfishness, avarice and 
greed of gain at wholesale; it is but the chase of a forlorn 
hope, to think of counterbalancing the effect, by a retail pro- 
cess of sentiment — though it be getting religion — one at a time, 
by persuasion. 

At this point we meet the objection: That the state or 
government of which I have spoken, was too crude and primi- 
tive to be of consideration in comparison with those of the pres- 
ent, for the reason that in it, no account was taken of the part 
that Capital plays in the production of wealth; nor of the eternal 
Conflict between Labor and Capital; which two facts, now con- 
stitute the gravamen of the economic problem. 

What then is capital, that has caused such stupendous 
changes? 

Capital has been well and truly defined as follows, to- 
wit: 

"The actual produced wealth of any age, over and above 
the consumption thereof; that may be used for the purpose of 
producing other wealth." 

It may well be called the surplus, or stored labor of an 
age. 

And as to its use in the production of other wealth, we 
know that wealth may be preserved and increased by chang- 
ing its form and by use. For instance, corn left in kind, would 
rot in a season, while if fed to cattle, changes its form into in- 
creased wealth; or the same corn could by A be loaned to B, 
who for good reasons failed to produce, or by misfortune lost 
his product, to be repaid in kind, with so much in addition for 
the convenience. It may be seen at a glance, that the num- 
ber of bushels that A could get for the use of the one hundred 
loaned, would depend wholly on how much corn could be thus 
had, together with, how many there were, who wanted to use 
it; that is to say, the interest paid for the use of capital, de- 
pended upon supply and demand. 

. And it is too clear to be questioned, that the borrower did 
not in any sense, consider the corn borrowed (Capital) in any 
degree a return for his labor, for it was clearly not such, but 
used it in connection with his Labor as a convenience, to get 
such return — his wages. 

It is also equally as clear, that in this early government, 
labor did not draw its wages from capital, but instead, with, or 
without capital, produced its wages. 

In the first instance the rule would be expressed as fol- 
lows to-wit: Earth plus Sunlight, plus Labor, equals Wealth, 
the laborers wages. 

13 



And in the second, it would be: Earth, plus Sunlight, plus 
Labor, plus Capital, equals wealth, minus interest, the laborer's 
wages. 

So then it may be readily seen that capital WAS considered 
by this early government even; but as there understood and 
treated, it was a convenience, and not a means of undue ad- 
vantage to its owner, and consummate oppression to others. 

But suppose in that early instance, that either the bor- 
rower or the lender, had been compelled to pay to some pre- 
sumer, who Claimed to Own that portion of the Earth, that the 
borrower intended to use (theretofore unused) whatever price 
such presumer cared to demand, before he could proceed to 
earn wages thereon. 

Is it not clear beyond all question, that the sum of what 
would be left to both the Borrower, (the Laborer) and Capital, 
would be that which, such presumer cared to give them out 
of their venture? 

And is it not equally as clear, that each and both would 
have been taxed to the margin of a bare existence? 

And is it not just as clear, that in that, and any other gov- 
ernment, where the correct economic principles obtain, there is 
no conflict between labor and capital, but rather, that their 
interests are common? 

And since the capital of any age, can only be the surplus 
wealth of that time, the inequalities and harmful results aris- 
ing from an over-estimation of capital, readily appear, and it 
matters not, how the excess is brought about, whether by false 
inflation, as in watered stock, or other improper methods; for 
each of such illegitimate additions, is but the creation of so 
much power in the hands of the holder, to draw upon the pro- 
ductive powers of some other. 

But while the inequalities and injustice that may arise 
from so treating and considering capital may ibe many and 
great; yet they constitute but a bagatelle of what must follow 
the economic Crime, of considering one of the Common and 
Nature-given Factors of Production, as wealth; and monopoliz- 
ing it, together with usurping its relative or increased value, 
caused by reason of the community; the Composition, in the 
hands of the Claimant, being, not Capital, but so much Power 
to draw upon and command the productive energy of others. 

So then conceding that the state or government, of which 
I have spoken was right early in man's existence, and before 
kingcraft and priesthood began their ceaseless march of con- 
quest and Camp-following under systems such as now exist. 

Conceding that at such time, fabulous accumulations of 

14 



power, as above described, and miscalled capital were yet un- 
known, that it even antedates the Ark of The 'Covenant; and 
was previous to the first camp in the plains of Aryan; conced- 
ing that the government of which I have spoken was hoary, 
ages ibefore any of these incidents; yet I maintain, that, that 
which has been given as the principles governing therein in- 
volves all that has inhered in any since then, and all that can 
rightfully inhere in any even now; and that the economic 
principles that obtained then, were not different from what they 
are now; a violation of which, entails intensified results; by 
reason of the complexed nature of our civilization, with its in- 
creased capacities and ever increasing desires. 



GOVERNMENT AS WE NOW HAVE IT. 

We have had a picture of government, (perhaps poorly 
drawn) in its early stages and under natural and correct 
economic principles; and in which the results were likewise, 
natural and correct. 

We will next consider a government wherein the results 
are unnatural and incorrect; in order to discern its economic 
principles underlying it. 

It is a verity now, as it ever was, that the face of the 
Earth, in Sunlight, under the hand of labor, produces wealth, 
and abundantly to supply the wants of man. 

Even more so now, than formerly to the extent that in- 
vention has raised labor to the one hundredth or even higher 
power, so that in this small section of man's domain, the annual 
production is often boastingly expressed in Billions; and still 
for all this Production, there are features of our existence 
which clearly show, not only a failure to think seriously, but 
rather stand as monuments to our failure to apply the rules of 
reason in the premises. 

iSome of these features are the economic changes that may 
be observed in connection with the production and holding of 
this enormous wealth. 

We have seen that government was not resorted to, for the 
purpose of learning to produce wealth; 'but rather for the pur- 
pose of conserving their energy in order that a part of it 
might be spent in other desirable ways. 

And the province and subject of government remaining the 
same, with facilities improved; what should naturally follow? 
The answer is patent, that same, or an increased state of hap- 
piness, as was enjoyed in that age of simplicity. Is such the 
fact? Is there peace, happiness and good will between men? 
And are men really born free and equal, with chance and chance 
alike in the race of life? If not, why not? 

15 



A moment's reflection forces the conclusion that our periods 
of profoundest peace are but truces in which there is the great- 
est preparation for the most consummate conflict. 

While we know that he who is to the Manor born, and he 
who is born on another's Manor; while each in a sense, may be 
free, yet they are by no means, equally born, nor are their 
chances equal. 

The first step after production of wealth, is the distribu- 
tion of it, and it is at this point that we notice the most pro- 
nounced difference between present systems of Economy, and 
that of the early community of which we have been speaking. 

In these later systems, the first thing to be done, is to 
give to him who CLAIMS, to own one of the Factors (the Land) 
of production, his demand (it is generally exorbitant) for the 
privilege of producing wealth, and if any thing is left, it may 
be had by the laborer; or where capital has been used, divided 
between the laborer and capital. 



MONOPOLY OF LAND— LABOR AND CAPITAL— WAGES AND 
THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 

This peculiar method did not obtain in our early communi- 
ty, and we are forced to conclude that it is this peculiar method 
of distribution of the wealth of the world, that is responsible 
for the strange economic phenomena of the age; wherein we 
observe the following. This enormous increase in production 
leaves the poor producers still poorer, with their numbers in- 
creased; while the great wealth produced by them, outside of 
a mere existence, is held by a decreasing number, in increasing 
proportions. 

It is at this point of estimation and distribution of the 
wealth of the world that we think the loose screw in the ma- 
chinery of our existence is to be found. 

For it was not until men considered the economic law of 
labor, as a disgrace that discord entered the course of his 
events. 

Then, when he decided, that to labor, was to bear the 
badge of curse and punishment, he began to devise ways 
to live without it, and to shift the burden of maintenance to 
others. 

It was not until it became irksome to labor, did he see the 
necessity of taking advantage of another; or the enslaving of 
his fellows. 

At such an untoward time, there was inaugurated. a system 
of economy, that has dominated the several civilizations, with 
one possible exception, a system, the strength of which, has 

16 



been the sword of selfishness at all times whetted to an ex- 
treme sharpness, by Avarice, Envy and Greed of Gain. 

And such a system, was not more, nor less, but positively 
was such as now exists in the following to-wit: In each and 
every man monopolizing land in the highest possible degree, 
and appropriating to himself whatever of increased value that 
may attach to particular portions, by reason of men aggregat- 
ing near it; and holding and considering the power, tkus ob- 
tained by his wrongful acts as wealth with which to speculate 
upon the necessities of his fellows: 

For the purpose of bolstering this false system with a 
semblance of reason, there was early evolved a false process 
and conclusion that long afterwards, was formulated by a 
great philosopher, which has since borne his name, and is 
familiarly known as "The Malthusian Doctrine" which in sub- 
stance is, "Whatever the capacity for production, the natural 
tendency of population, is to come up to it, and surpass it, so 
that the pressure of population becomes greater than the pow- 
er of subsistence; at which point the degree of VICE and MIS- 
ERY NECESSARY, TAKES PLACE, to prevent further in- 
crease, and thus equilibrium is maintained." 

I do not believe such to be the philosophy of Economics, 
for to accept such as true, is to fly into the face of nature 
with a reverse of her inexorable laws, and say that she, with 
impunity, brings into this world one mouth, that two hands can 
not feed, and this too, with the further purpose of condemning 
these innocents at birth to a life interspersed with passion, 
prejudice, hate, revenge, disease, devastation, vice, misery, 
crime and horrible death; any thing, that will remove some, 
that others may take their places. It is to deny the wisdom, 
grace, and even the very existence of an All-pervading Ruling 
Principle, call it God, or what you will. 

And yet men have based their governments upon systems 
of economy, growing out of the acceptance of this false philoso- 
phy; seemingly, upon the theory of "Better endure the evils we 
have, than fly to those, we know not of." 

This conclusion sounds well, yet still, for all its sounding, 
it is false; in that it is not the correct conclusion to draw from 
the premises. Beyond question, this doctrine is a good one by 
which to square the conduct of man through the ages, and 
even now, for to believe it to Toe true, is but to fear its effects. 

To have such fear, is but to make one greedy of that which 
exists and to usurp and monopolize any thing that will give ad- 
vantage, as is now done in regard to land, and land values. (A 
way may yet be devised to get a corner on Sunlight, if it ever 

17 



happens, it is a question whether the man in Darkness, could 
be saved by religion even.) 

It is this same false doctrine, that has given an undue no- 
tion of commercialism to the conduct of men, so much so, that 
18 out of every 24 hours are passed in strenuous effort to get 
the best, fairly or unfairly, of our fellows; while the other six 
are spent in badly blurred dreams on the same subject; while 
nothing is worthy of consideration, that has no commercial 
value, and he is considered a most consummate fool who would 
do anything that profits any other, without an idea of gain 
thereby. 

This same unreasonable doctrine, has been responsible for 
every protective tariff the world has known. 

And here let us say, that the very idea of tariff, like this 
doctrine is contradictory and obnoxious to him, who reasons 
closely, and he wants as little of it as it is possible to have. 

It admits, and is based upon the fact, that there is a per- 
verted and wrongful system SOMEWHERE, one in which the 
distribution of the product (wealth) of labor is not in accord- 
ance with real Economic laws. 

It also admits, that wherever such unjust and unequal dis- 
tribution of wealth obtains; there you will have as a direct 
result, all the evils to which civilization seems 10 have been 
heir; and that, in intensified form. 

It goes still further, in that it does not claim to be a rem- 
edy that reaches the root cf any evil; hut to be a wall, to keep 
out a portion of extraneous wrong, and in no wise preventing 
or curing any of a domestic origin. In the above, is the weak- 
ness of a Tariff as a governmental principle. 

And this is pre-eminently true in the United States, where 
Tariff Tinkering has been the chief occupation of her states- 
men for the last thirty years; and the result has been an in- 
reasing number of Multi-Multi-Millioniares, together with in- 
creasing multitudes of those, who do not have enough for com- 
fortable existence; while the enormous wealth produced by this 
later class, is — somewhere — WHERE? 

Admitting, that most of it is where, a small portion of it 
will be expended for hospitals for those who have been worn 
out, and asylums for those who are crazy, and lying in sheds, 
for other unfortunates; yet the very fact, that there is an in- 
creasing cry and need for these institutions, as we shall later 
see, is not a mark of the highest civilization. 

It is therefore apparent, that the maintenance of a protec- 
tive tariff in whatever land or clime, has been but a make- 
shift, a mere move upon the checkered board of unjust distribu- 

15 



tioii of wealth; based upon the principle, that Vice and Misery 
and untimely death is the necessary portion and heritage of 
the greater portion of humanity, in order that the remainder 
may survive, and a portion of them enjoy luxuries, in many 
instances, of a destructive nature. 

It is really interesting to observe how this false philosophy 
has grown into the very thought-life of men. 

Out of the mists and shadows of tradition, ghost-like, there 
comes to us, what is known as a "Fiction of law." Something 
that is not true, which the law will not allow to be disproved. 

Likewise, there comes to us, in regard to land; one of the 
factors of production; a notion with a similar basis, in this: 

That the present worth of land is, or about, twenty times 
its annual rental value. This notion has no more basis in the 
law of nature or economy than the fiction has in law, this 
will be seen by the way it works up in, and the effects it pro- 
duces in our system. 

We have seen that the presence of the proposed user of a 
piece of land, as well as that of every other member of the 
community, adds to the annual value of it, and that such in- 
creased value, is the common property of the community. 

Our system allows some individual to hold this unused 
land, and to appropriate to himself this increased value. 

And in order to become a member of the community on 
this piece of land, the newcomer must pay to this claimant 
twenty times this increased, or community value, as a starter. 

If it is a time sale, a high rate of interest must be added 
during a long period of payment; in the meantime, the purchas- 
er suffers increased taxation, on this multiplied valuation. 

Now then, find this excess taxation, plus the interest, plus 
the multiplied community value; and you will have the sum 
of the draft, that the fiction of landlordism draws upon the pro- 
ducer in our system. 

This is what he has to pay for being born on earth, if he 
tries to do other than to TRAMP, and this tribute is so distri- 
buted through our system of economy, as to absorb the pro- 
ducers product, over and above a pinched existence during an 
ordinary lifetime; so that he has done as well as usual, when he 
much worn and weary, passes up his papers and himself, to 
the beyond, leaving his purchase to posterity, still plastered 
with an incumbrance. 

This fiction of Landlordism has become to be the ruling 
principle oC our system; and we have ceased to apply the rules 
of reason to the economics of the age, in the darkness of 
which, we observe the swallowing-up of individuality in a sort 

19 



of non-personal existence, that is fast becoming subversive of 
the general welfare; while gathering at a few nodes and cen- 
ters enormous and oppressive aggregations of power under the 
misnomer of capital. 

And I wish to say in this connection, that capital, as last 
above used, and as used in our system, is not meant in its eco- 
nomic sense, for in the latter as we have seen, it and wealth, 
mean one and the same thing. 

But as used in the present systems it is composed of sur- 
plus wealth, together with Monopoly of Unused Land, and its pri- 
vately appropriated increased or community value; the com- 
position, constituting the ability in the holder to irresistibly 
command the producer of wealth — labor. 

While real or economic capital, is surplus wealth only, the 
great difference is patent. 

The one wealth, is a convenience in producing other wealth 
while the other is the power to command and control the force 
that produces wealth; the one is a help, the other the power 
to enslave; while the considering them as commensurate with 
each other, is but an economic crime. 

But when we know, that such is the practice in our system, 
we can readily see the source of the false conclusion: "That 
labor draws its wages from capital." It is by reason of the fact, 
that under such circumstances, labor can, .and does get that 
only, which this composition of Power, arbitrarily decrees it 
shall have. 

Furthermore, a simple process of reason will show that the 
proposition that "Labor draws its wages from capital" is not 
only, not an economic truth, but instead, is the rankest con- 
tradiction of terms. 

If labor draws its wages from capital, then capital exists in- 
dependent of both labor and wages; and the fund of existence 
is at all times intact, without the effort of labor. 

The contrary of this, we know to be true; in that the fund 
of subsistence, is by reason of the wealth produced by labor. 

But we admit, as all must, that Labor gets or draws its 
portion from something or somewhere; a verity indeed. 

And this something, we have seen, is the Bounty of Nature, 
given alike to all; and is nothing other, than the Earth and Sun- 
light; these, combined with Labor, make the Triple Extract 
Wealth, so conducive to the happiness of men. 

Then immeasurable is the wrong doing of him, who usurps 
and monopolizes these, or either of these nature-given factors 
of production; for nis acts can not but be the harbinger of all 

20 



evils that mankind has suffered, as well also, all and any that 
the imagination may picture, as yet possible to be entailed. 

And of one thing, we may rest assured, that industrial 
freedom and justice can never be attained so long as there is 
such a wrongful mixing of wealth and natural bounty, upon 
which the distribution of the Result of Labor is made to de- 
pend. 

The false philosophy of which I have spoken, has become 
so securely engrafted into the economy of the age, that the in- 
equalities and injustice entailed thereby have become almost 
unnoticeable and accepted as mere matters of course. 

But are they really and truly mere incidents, and un- 
worthy of serious consideration; because halbitually unnoticed? 

Isn't this hitherto, lack of observance by those so vitally 
affected, the feature that gives the situation its rather appall- 
ing character? 

And does it not presage the deploraJble fact; that men are 
being driven and drawn thoughtlessly and without reason; 
drifting with a tide of insurmountable circumstances, that point 
with dreaded certainty, to the decline and fall of the Democracy 
of a noble manhood, into the dismal despotism of dollars. 

We have seen that economic principles have not changed 
since the formation of the first government, from which the 
individual was not excluded by high price of land, but to which 
there was respectively, attraction and invitation, and mutual 
benefit. 

Let us admit that the number in this early government was 
small, we will assume, fifty men, and a like number of women 
(the divorce evil had not begun) if it thereafter became right to 
establish a system of Landlordism, such as is now in vogue; 
when did such right begin, and for what reason? 

If it was because of increase of number therein, then why 
did it not begin at the birth of the first child, making one 
hundred one in the community; just as completely as now, that 
there are several hundred million in the community of man? 

Why was it not necessary to notify that cooing little strang- 
er that he must pay his rent within three days, or move; or in 
case he would buy, charge him twenty times the annual rental 
value of so much as was necessary for his maintenance, under 
such a rule; as is rigidly enforced in these easy charitable 
days? 

I subjoin, that the reason and justice in that case would 
have been as full and complete as it is now. 

But seriously, is this idea of a place on earth to stand, un- 
fettered by another; really of minor importance, and of such as 

21 



to merit the lack of consideration it seems to have received? 

Upon man's entry into existence, his first necessity is to ap- 
pease hunger, the second is that his body be covered for pro- 
tection from nature and the third, is a place in which to abide. 

Of these three, Food, Raiment and Shelter, in a state of 
civilization, who will assume to say, that the last named is of 
less importance than either of the others? 

Is it not clear, that he who is minus the third, will not long 
have need for either of the others? 

Isn't the impulse for the third one, the germ of the home, 
which is the unit of the community; the very soul of all govern- 
ment? 

A wild and untutored man will appease his hunger by eat- 
ing raw meat and green herbs, and withal, will cover his body 
with the untanned skins of other animals; but such a man does 
not, and will not, live in a home; for when he does, he ceases 
to be wild. 

And through all stages of civilization, Shelter, the home, 
will be found to be the standard of it; so that instead of (being 
unimportant, a place on earth, in which to operate, to Labor 
and Produce, is rather the all-important factor in man's exist- 
ence. 

Beyond all question, the knowledge of the fact, that this 
shelter, a home, a place in which to operate, to Labor and Pro- 
duce the necessaries of life; is the all-important factor in man's 
existence, and that for which, it is his nature to risk his all; 
is the underlying principle of monopolizing unused lands, and 
usurping the community value of it; to prevent others using it 
without tribute to the usurper. 

But whence comes the right of any man to claim, and to 
hold land which he does not, and can not use, and does not 
need; something that he does not, and can not produce; and is 
the one thing, under the THEORY of the law, that he can not 
steal (this is one of its most pronounced fictions however) for 
the purpose of exacting a portion of the wealth produced by the 
labor of others on such land? 

What is the source of his right to increase this demand 
on the labor of others, in direct proportion to the increase of 
desirability and demand for the use of this land; caused solely 
by reason of increase of number in the community? 

From what source comes the right to write a deed? Who 
wrote the first one, and to whom was it given? 

Let us assume that it was written by some grasping fel- 
low; what evidence have we, that it was ever acknowledged by 



an Eternal God. the only thing that could give it the right of 
record? 

Where in all the great store house of Nature, is the preced- 
ent that was followed? 

I think it has been, if not, it truthfully may be said, that 
the highest attainments of man, are but poor copies of originals 
in Nature, i. e. our marriage institution is the highest con- 
summation of the billing and cooing of doves, in mating with 
each other. 

No color scheme in art, excels that which it attempts to 
copy, no aggregation of power, is to be compared with the 
energy of sunlight, and no mechanism yet made, equals man. 

But this practice of monopoly and usurpation, together with 
the method of sustaining it (deed making) seems to be a 
maverick, in so far as Nature is concerned; and in the affairs 
of men, its working is not well. 

And there is no middle ground. The system is either right 
and proper or it is not right and proper. 

The face of the facts, the church, and the many lines of up- 
lift, to say nothing of our continuous effort at mending and 
changing it, is but an open avowal that it is not right. 

And we know by that certain and invincible law of logic, 
known as "The Principle of Law of Sufficient Reason," "That 
nothing happens without a reason why it should be so, rather 
than otherwise," that whatever we have as our portion, we 
have by reason of this system. 

From which we are forced to conclude, that the false phil- 
osophy upon which our economy is based, one of the strongest 
features in practice of which is the monopoly and usurpation 
herein before referred to, is responsible for every wail from 
dark and dampened cellar, where sunshine never enters, every 
groan from, rag-bedecked garret, where warmth and comfort 
are unknown, as well as for the generation of the very vermin 
that infest them; for these, Aye, for all of them, and more. 

The foundation of every jail, the superstructure of every 
hospital, the necessity for every asylum; every lying-in-shed for 
the fallen, every rest, and every door of hope, is laid in, reared 
by, arises out of, is established by, maintained, and operated by 
reason of this wrongful principle in our economy. 

The desire for consciousness of the fact that he is beyond 
the probabilities of the pains of poverty, has so developed self- 
ishness in man, that he unconsciously and with impunity, vio- 
lates the fundamental economic laws, to such an extent as to 
render his civilization but a mass of contradictions. 

For instance, one of the most necessary, and largely operat- 

23 



ed institutions of which, is charity, and the extent to which a 
system is known to countenance and encourage it, is assumed 
as a ground for boast, while it is apparent upon close reasoning 
that it is condemnatory of the system in which it is necessary- 
For in a world of plenty, under correct economic rules and 
regulations what need could there be for charity? 

In such a world, where the power of the producer would 
not be taxed to the limit to maintain a scant existence, the 
ordinary wear and tear of Nature, or a day's accident, would 
not send such producer to a charity hospital. 

The existence and great increase of this feature, together 
with another, yet to be mentioned, sadly, yet certainly point the 
truth. 

That the institutions of a peopie, are more important than 
their constitutions, as standards of their civilization. 

The greatest possible consummation in community exist- 
ence, is the ultimate aim of civilization. 

Such existence will be promoted in the inverse ratio of the 
obstacles thereto. 

The most desirable unit of such community will be he who 
produces and consumes normally; and the community will be 
nearest the ideal which has the greatest number of such units. 
And such communities will form fastest and most completely, 
where such units are free to assemble. 

But he who places obstacles in the way of forming such 
communities, by placing prices upon the land, upon which they 
are to form; increasing in a direct ratio with the number who 
desire to commune, is placing the greatest possible obstacle to 
the highest civilization. 

In the community or state composed of such units, as- 
sembled under correct economic laws; the motive to predation 
would be absent, and periodical industrial depressions that now 
make fierce and destructive war between classes, in which, 
mutual revenge entails enormous waste, would not. and could 
not occur. 

In such a state, the unhealthy and even dangerous econom- 
ic conditions that now daily present themselves with increasing 
persistency would be unknown; among the most unhealthy and 
dangerous of which, is the following: 

The inefficiency of the male member of society to provide 
suitable sustenance for himself and those dependent upon him, 
which entails the corresponding necessity of the female, and 
minor members, becoming hread-winners for the family. 

This wholesale invasion of the field of bread-winning by 
these new factors, can not be other than undermining to the 

24 



foundation of the home and family circle; which must ever con- 
stitute the warp and woof of the moral and governmental policy 
of any civilization. 

This drafting into said field, of thousands upon thousands 
of tender undeveloped, and untutored bodies and minds to be 
broken at the wheel, can not but, affect disastrously, the future 
manhood and motherhood of a people. 

It is this aJbnormal condition, that is responsible for a most 
untoward practice in our civilization, one that has caused the 
coining of a new word in American-English. A hyphenated 
word, of twelve letters; of slang origin perhaps, but now accept- 
ed as highly suitable and suggestive of the loathsome and 
blighting circumstances it involves. 

It is not necessary to utter it, you have minded it already, 
at first glance, it might be thought to refer to one race or kind 
of people, but it is generic in application and covers all; the 
very thought of it even, will make the soul of a MOTHER or 
FATHER wince. 

It can not be considered of slight importance, for it has as- 
sumed such proportions as to merit congressional action. 

I do not believe this withering practice is entailed by rea- 
son of the innate cursedness and inbredr desire to sin on the 
part of the unfortunates concerned; but rather, that it is caus- 
ed by that wrongful principle in the economics of the age, that 
forces them into the field as bread winners; under such over- 
powering circumstances and DEMANDS as are beyond their 
power of inhibition to WITHSTAND. 

For the height of one's attainment, is limited only by his or 
her environment; and given equal environment, the attainment 
will be the same, regardless of the race or blood of the in- 
dividual. 

I am aware of the doctrine of "Necessary evil" so handily 
preached by many, but to say the least, that is unreasonable, 
and cowardly in the highest degree. 

The sincerity of the preacher of it, may be speedily tested 
by agreeing with him, and then proposing as follows to-wit: "If 
you really believe such to be the decree of fate, and bow in 
submission thereto; right now, or at farthest, within the next 
24 hours, the Hob-goblin God of Fate, will demand a sacrifice; 
one of the eighty thousand innocents, drafted annually in the 
United States alone to recruit the PITIABLE ARMY OF THE 
LOST. Can you brook the thought of emulating the righteous- 
ness of Abraham? 

If he would not: then why stand sponsor for a regime, that 
will entail the horrible duty (sorrow) upon another? 



And AGAIN, there is no middle ground. This practice is 
either inbred and arises out of the very nature of things; or it 
IS NOT. 

To accept the first proposition, is to end all hope; by ac- 
cepting as a fact, that humanity was blighted in the beginning; 
hence no hope for any thing different in progeny. 

Such a conclusion is too horrible for consideration. 

If it is not inlbred and natural, then it must be entailed by 
reason of our system of economy; for that which we HAVE, 
is the effect, of which our system, is the cause. This is indeed 
a frightful indictment against the system, yet it is true, and 
easily sustained by the evidence. 

An instance of this is the following: A has a venture 
in prospect, the margin must be ascertained to a reasonable cer- 
tainty before the capital is forthcoming to finance it. This 
margin is ascertained by considering the cost of location, (land- 
lordism is felt at this point) material, marketing, together with 
the labor necessary in the premises. 

A, considering the prices on these commodities, finds the 
margin too narrow to be safe, casts about for means of increas- 
ing it. His first step will be in connection with that commodity 
that comes directly under his control — the labor required. Here 
you will find him increasing the margin of his venture by re- 
ducing the number of laborers, by increasing the hours and bur- 
dens of others in one department, in another by a down-right 
decrease in wages, while in still another he will lower the cost, 
by substituting female for male laborers, at a reduced wage of 
course, knowing full well that they must become dependent upon 
such insufficient stipend. Yet deliberately he concludes. "The 
herd that will fill these stalls, and who will be given a part of 
a living for their HONEST labor, will be WISE, and onto their 
jobs, and know how to get the remainder.'' This is a cold cal- 
culation of traffic in humanity, and though common, yet it 
reaches the most vital center of our civilization. This is amply 
proven in at least two extensive investigations in two great cen- 
ters of population, where the following was ascertained and 
given as the primary cause of this withering practice in our sys- 
tem: 

"The gross violation of the laws of the just distribution of 
the wealth produced by these sufferers, leaving them less than 
enough to keep soul and body together without pain." 

And still, notwithstanding, and in tbe face of this finding, 
the church seems powerless or not inclined to reach this situa- 
tion, and the body politic, has about concluded, that in reality, 
it is beyond the power of the law to curb, and the best that can 

26 



be done is 10 temporize. Which perhaps is true, and must thus 
remain until recourse is had to a correct application cf the 
economic principles at the very basis of community existence. 
The first step toward this will be: To ordain and establish the 
rule, that every soul born on the earth, SHALL HAVE A PLACE 
THEREON TO STAND, UNTRAMMELEO and UNFETTERED 
by ANOTHER'S monopolizing the factors of production. 

A second rule, equally just and simple, to the effect: 

Tiie wages of the producer, SHALL BE THE PRODUCT OF 
HIS TOIL. 

These two, would force a third, in the following to-wit: All 
men shall labor. 

In a state where such rules were enforced we would quick- 
ly see all contraband, in the field of ^read-winning, speedily re- 
legated to their proper spheres. The mother, to the pruning 
and polishing of the home, the nursery of the nation; the minors, 
to that, wherein they would be regularly and properly develop- 
ed into strong, intelligent and honorable units. In such a state, 
the production and distribution of wealth would be such that 
the husband and father would be reinstated in the grandest of 
all lodges: The democracy of a noble manhood, wherein he 
would be capable, of supporting himself, together with those de- 
pendent upon him. 

Another equally dangerous condition is to be found in the 
listlessness and lack of alarm with which this atrophy of the 
husband and father, and the drawing of the mother and chil- 
dren from the home, is accepted by the great mass of the peo- 
ple. 

It has become a part of the world's way of thinking, for al- 
ready, men have accustomed themselves to accept as an axiom, 
the unreasonable proposition: That nature is niggardly in pro- 
viding less than enough for all. 

So that the ruling principle of their conduct is greed and 
gain, and their religion savors more of commercialism than it 
does of piousness; while the trend of the thought of the age is 
towards the conclusion that capital (the composite sort) is the 
source of a!l power; a sort of repository from which all is 
drawn; and that the problem before the world for solution, is 
that of "the conflict between labor and capital." 

This last proposition we have seen, is not true. But while 
we know the truth to be the opposite we also know that there 
is an eternal conflict and protest. 

But this conflict and protest is by the producer and against 
the right to monopolize the nature-given factors of production 

27 



by a few; giving them almost measureless power of oppres- 



sion. 



A GOVERNMENT BY THE RULE OF THREE. 

A government based upon the three rules enumerated above, 
worked out and applied would be one shorn of all that is un- 
desirable in those that we have. Then why net have such a 
government? 

That such may be accomplished, is proven beyond all ques- 
tion in the fact that we have established one based upon the 
direct violation of them, and have maintained it by the evolu- 
tion of a system of remedies as extensive and diversified as are 
the evils caused by their violation. 

The truth is, the very soul of that which we think and 
speak of, as civilization or government, which is also known as 
the jurisprudence of a people or of an age, is hut the evolution 
and application of remedies, to the evils growing out of the 
system they practice; for the very essence of any law, in the 
several, and present civilizations, is its remedial force; for where 
there is no actual wrong, nor any in contemplation, there also, 
will be an absence of iaw. 

Then since the body and soul of our jurisprudence is but a 
mass of remedies, that have grown apace with evils in our sys- 
tem, the conclusion is forced upon us; that the result of our 
start-off, called for one of these remedies. In other words, the 
basis of our system is w T rong, and its operations can not but pro- 
duce wrong. Then let us change this basis, by adopting the 
three simple rules above given, and proceed in accordance with 
economic law. 

In such instance we will see the great body of our laws fall 
into disuse, for the reason that the evils will not crop-out; for 
which they were remedies, nor would we have to tax the (great) 
ingenuity of our statesmen for new ones, to cur'b growing evils. 

Adopt these simple principles, which will insure an equal 
distribution of the wealth of the world; and dispense with the 
necessity of the income tax, and tax on inheritance; make- 
shifts now being put forth as remedies, for some of the evils of 
unequal distribution of produced wealth. 

Adopt these three simple principles and work them out in 
our government, and cease so much twaddle about checking and 
curbing the "interests" (something, that no one seems to know 
exactly what it is, yet everybody wants as much of it, and to 
be as much mixed with it as is possible) and which is nothing 

28 



more nor less, than a species of the effect of monopoly of land 
and privileges. 

Dispense with monopoly. Give every one the product of his 
labor. And ordain that all men shall labor, (that last one, for 
some, is worse than all the rest) and in the gentle, just and 
equal distribution of the wealth that will follow, note what an 
enormous crop of master builders of bright and happy homes, 
with well kept and dutiful mothers, with plenty of "pigs, chick- 
ens and children around the door" will be the continual harvest. 

In the degree that we work these three principles out in our 
system of economy; charity hospitals will disappear, the popula- 
tion of jails will decrease, for men will not do wrong without 
the motive, and while under such a system, the novelty and vain- 
glory of gathering in the hands of single individuals, fortunes of 
many millions might not occur, neither would its undesirable 
counterpart, gaunt hunger, want and squalor, choke the light 
of life from thousands of poor souls. Nor would the tenderest 
proof of female affection, be a common article of commerce 
and profit, while lying-in sheds for the fallen, would fall into 
disuse, and become the habitation of bats and owls. 

Did we have a state based upon these three principles, then 
we had been spared a coincidence, that has its dreadful parallel 
in history. Today (February 12, 1912,) 20,000 impoverished, 
heavy hearted, hunger-maddened, contraband bread-winners, 
with pinched and drawn faces in the streets of Lawrence, Mass., 
protest that they can not longer exist, without a larger portion 
of what they produce. 

One with dull insight even, will be able to discern the simi- 
larity in the principle underlying their march upon the mills, 
to that which impelled eight thousand hungry, bedraggled and 
frenzied Menads in their march to the palace at Versailles, 
where their cry was for "bread and speech with the king" 
which march and audience, was the burst of the most deplorable 
catastrophe in the known world. And while we know that the 
stage of our civilization is such; that these twenty thousand, 
and many others, may be given even less consideration, than 
was given the Menads without menace of serious results; yet 
the situation is worthy of consideration from a point of human- 
ity, and as a sociological fact. 

But while basking in the security of our civilization, it 
might be well to observe some other points of the parallel. The 
evils suffered in the case of the Menads were of an economic 
origin growing out of the monopoly of land and privileges by 
the few, and unjust exactions by them from the many. The 
systems of economy of this age are based upon the same prin- 

29 



ciple differing only in degree of application. Then, the trouble 
was not so much concerning the production of wealth as it was 
concerning its just and equal distribution. That is preeminently 
the question of the age with us, our production is almost fabul- 
ous, but it is making the rich richer, and the poor poorer, and 
still the cost of living increases. 

The evils suffered then were the inevitable effects of 
economic causes, and there was an attempt to meet and obviate 
them by a sort of retail process of persuasion, that they did not 
exist, or if they did, they were a part of some eternal plan that 
meant good in the long run. 

That is the strain of the religion of today. 

Then, the promise of the persuader, brought the predicated 
good no nearer. And now, each day leaves this good still prom- 
ised, with an increase in the struggle for existence. 

THAT SYSTEM CHANGED. 

And even now it is as true as it ever was, that every 
rope has its breaking strain, and every vessel its capacity; one 
ounce more in the first instance, and the weight is lost, and 
in the second, one drop makes the overflow. 

And equally true is the following: 

"How many drops must gather to the skies, 

Before the cloudburst comes we may not know, 
How hot the fires in under-hells must glow, 

Ere the volcano's scalding lava rise, 

Can none say, but all know the hour is sure." 

In that age, it was said "These are the times that try men's 
souls" while the stress and trend of THESE TIMES are such, 
as to suggest the truth and applicability of 

"Waste not, want not is a maxim you should teach, 

Let your watchword be dispatch, and practice what you preach, 

Do not let your chances, like sunbeams pass you by. 

For you will never miss the water, till the well runs dry." 

I am aware that in the mouths of many, and those too, of 
no mean degree, an answer to all that has been said, consists 
in the following: 

"It is but the aberration of a lightweight brain, for what is, 
exists by reason of the fact, that the majority of men desire it 
thus, therefore it is right, and any assault upon the present 
state of affairs, is but a puny, puerile waste of energy." 

30 



It will be admitted that the system as it exists is of gigantic 
proportions, and is indeed, well established, also that he who 
questions it, is putting forth puny efforts, but that it is puerile 
and will be wasted, I seriously doubt, and even assert, that it 
is -n-rgy that in due course will be conserved, just as certainly 
as was the potentiality of the sun's rays of countless years ago, 
that was folded a thousand feet within the 'bowels of the eartn 
in layers of black diamonds that today, responds to labor's 
magic wand, to the extent that the once droll and unkempt old 
earth, now struts in bands and belts of laminated steel; upon 
which massive belching moguls play the grand march of com- 
merce from early morn till dewy eve, in the process of raising 
man's productive ability to the one hundredth, or higher power. 
To say that the present system of economy is right, b&- 
cause it exists is to say that, which reason plainly does not 
allow. There would be just as much reason for asserting, that 
because a man had lived fifty years, during the last ten of 
which, he had had, cancer on his nose, such fact is conclusive 
proof, that he could not have lived otherwise. 

A few hundred years ago, the wise ones thought the earth 
was flat. That was because all that they had seen of it ap- 
peared so. The new world, the last lap in the course of empire 
on its westward way is ample evidence of the idea advanced by 
the humble shepherd and sailor, who insisted that it was a 
globe. Sir Isaac Newton saw a ripe apple fall to the ground, 
and wondered why it did not fall the other way; the result of 
his investigation of the phenomena is our knowledge of the law 
of gravitation. 

In each of these instances, the existence of the fact, was 
not affected by the lack of knowledge, by those affected. 

The earth was spherical regardless of man's ignorance 
thereof, and gravity had controlled the solar system, since 
chaos was dispelled by material creation, although men did not 
learn of it until after Newton's discovery. 

And as with these, so with any economical laws or principles, 
their existence depends not upon the people's knowledge of them, 
but the people's condition, and especially their weal, is always 
consummated by a knowledge of, and obedience to them; while 
their existence depends not upon the people's knowledge of them, 
It therefore seems to me, that there is no good reason why 
one should lay off from the undertaking, because it appears 
rather large; but instead, for that very reason, he should lay- 
on, with a determination born of: 



"Let come what will, I mean to bear it out, 

And live a life replete with victory, 
Or die a death renowned for chivalry, 

He is not worthy of the honeycomb, 
Who shuns the hive, because the bees have stung." 

To those who assert the righteousness of a system ibecause 
of the strength inherent in it, the following may be of some 
interest. A short time before the burst of the French revolu- 
tion, one of the ministers of France, discussing a matter of 
state with the king remarked: "Yes, sire, but what will the peo- 
ple think of the measure," (some time called the state, also the 
third estate, as distinguished from the nobility and the clergy). 
His majesty's answer was: "The state, why I am the state, and 
as to the people, let the people eat grass." The minister answer- 
ed: "Ah, sire, they are, now eating grass (boiled without meat) 
and that is the matter of concern sire, for remember the peo- 
ple are like the atmosphere, very common and unnoticed, until 
it speaks in bolts of terrorizing thunder, and sheets and streaks 
of destructive lightning." 

And while on the subject of the people, it would not be out 
of place to inquire: 

What is it that makes the state? 

There are two classes that enter into the constituency of 
the state. Those who have and enjoy, not less than enough to 
insure a well-rounded and ideal citizen, and those who do not 
thus have and enjoy. 

In the first class we naturally would expect to find the 
strong, able, and evenly balanced patriot; as well also, the fair 
deal and even handed justice, measured with the golden rule. 
All this would be expected for the reason that such class had 
not been short-cut of any thing leading to the highest attain- 
ment, and think of their estate as common place; it being, and 
having always been, that, which they and their ancestors, could 
call their own, and of which they think as continuing in those 
whom they love. A home, a hall of plenty, with no thought of 
want, to which even is added many avenues of pleasure, studded 
with landmarks more lasting than life. To all of which, they 
have a perfect right and title, nor would we to any man, any 
of the above enumerated enjoyments deny. 

Tne above is the moiety that citizenship vouchsafes to the 
first class, for which thej give in return whatever is to be found 
in them of worth, as, industrial, civic and patriotic factors 
though they toil not. neither do they spin. 

I will leave to you reader, to paint for yourself the picture 

32 



of what you would expect to find in the second class, those who 
have not, and do not enjoy enough of the world's product to in- 
sure comfort and well rounded existence. And whatever scheme 
you give it, I suggest a suitable name, when I say "It is Legion," 
for this class includes that great horde so instrumental in the 
production of the wealth of the world, and who yet consume and 
enjoy so small a portion of it, and who, in order to exist, have to 
become experts in the game and play of PINCH and TUCK, 
while a few in the other class, become adepts in that of SPREAD 
and DISPLAY. Their places of abode are scarcely habita- 
tions, and are not theirs, nor have they ever been, nor, will they 
at any time become, that which they may call their own, neith- 
er may they thus think of them, for the shelter in which they 
take breakfast, may cover different ones for supper. No 
cornucopia is connected with them, and no avenue of pleasure 
leads to or from them, nor are there any landmarks, that spring 
in their minds tender and pleasant memories. But instead, 
stern and heavy conditions of existence, daily hound them to 
the threshold; and upon their return, worn and weary, there 
meet them to conduct them to an interior, where they view, and 
contemplate the picture you have painted, which seems to be- 
numb, and chill many impulses that they would like to encourage, 
leaving them to a life, the level of which could be very much 
lifted. 

This is the moiety that citizenship vouchsafes to the sec- 
ond class, and for which, they give in return that which is the 
basis of human happiness, the foundation of all government, 
their labor in producing the wealth of the world. 

Then look on the picture of the first class, and then, en 
the one you painted, and for yourself decide, whether or not, 
from an economic point alone (discarding the idea of justice) it 
is safe to say, as we said of the first class "To all of which, they 
have a perfect right and title, nor would we, that any of them, 
should have any thing different as their portion." 

It is deplorable to observe how timid men are when re- 
quired to think and act upon their economic welfare, and of 
how easily they may be deflected from such line of thought by 
the bugbear of unpopularity, as it is for a mother to croon her 
baby to sleep, with a sweet little lullaby. 

By adroitlv playing upon their weakness, those, to whos a 
interest it is to do so, easily steel the great horde of producers 
against much that is palpably for their best interest, by impress- 
ing them with the unpopularity of it, so that they spend a great 
portion of their energy at cross-purposes to their welfare. 

For instance, many accept as a fact, that socialism is the 

33 



sum total of the opposite of civilization, simply because they 
have been told such. 

Through this point, passes the dividing line between the 
safe and the unsafe citizen; the one who thinks, and the one, 
for whom, some one thinks. 

The first one, will accept that which is based upon correct 
principles, regardless of the name it 'bears, and will avoid that 
which is wrong although it has been erroneously accepted as 
sound, "since when, the memory of man, runneth not to the con- 
trary." This safe and thinking citizen will not make the mis- 
take, so commonly made by so many; that every thing detri- 
mental to and destructive of government or association of men. 
and every thing that is generally bad, as well as, every thing 
that he sees or hears, that he does know or understand, are 
all of them equally and alike, socialism. And he will also con- 
clude that the socialistic principle, is the basis of our govern- 
ment, and that in the instances where it has been applied, it 
works exceedingly well: as the postal department thereof, most 
admirably attests. 

And he will further conclude that the same principle could 
with equal efficiency, be extended to the carriage of a message 
By wire, or a package called express, as it is now applied to 
either or both, under the head of United States mail. 

And that this socialistic principle in our government, meets 
the approbation of nine out of every ten of us, who in spite of 
our ignorance, in a great measure, are socialists; our ever- 
present desire, for place and service in it, speaks in tones clear 
and plain. 

This is but natural and reasonable, for where one is to re- 
ceive his wages from another, most men would prefer the whole 
people as employer and paymaster; rather than a grasping, 
over-reaching and selfish individual. 

That the hard conditions being imposed by this individual 
paymaster under our system, are driving us further in a socialis- 
tic direction there can be little doubt. 

The establishing of the Parcels Post Law, is but an 
acknowledgment of the fact; that the express business, which 
was once a convenience, now by reason of legal concessions 
and changes in the conditions and wants of the people, has 
grown to be such an oppressive aggregation, as not only to call 
for regulation by the people, but may properly and legitimately 
become a department of government. The establishing of the 
Postal Savings Bank, is but the acknowledgment of the fact, 
that the people, through their government, may become the 
depository of their surplus money. 

3-t 



And to say that the government may legitimately do a bank- 
ing business, is to say, that it may establish a banking depart- 
ment, and take over all the business of that nature within its 
bounds, just as exclusively , as it has that of coining money, or 
carrying mail. 

Then why not do so? It would be just as profitable to do so, 
as the business is now profitable to the banking individuals in 
it, with the possible difference, that the government would get 
nothing by reason of failures NOW and THEN, for with it, there 
would be none such. 

What a delightful thought, with the government as the ex- 
clusive banker of the people, conducted on a safe basis of 40 
per cent in vaults, with 60 for investment, how long would it be 
before we could buy or build a railroad? 

Really, with such an advantage, we could soon dispense 
with the tariff. 

(But my, what would become of our statesmen, under such 
circumstances, guess we would have to keep a little tariff, on 
immigrants, if nothing else.) 

"Ah, Socialism, and destruction, and every thing bad, that 
we do not understand," is heard. 

If so, then Socialism, let it be; for "What's in a name," 
these new steps lately taken by our government, under that 
name even, will be just as effective for the relief and uplift of 
the people, as by any other. 

Of Socialism I know practically nothing, but this I have to 
say. The doctrine that countenances and stands for a division 
of real wealth such as is produced hy labor, I oppose, as unques- 
tionably wrong. To the doctrine, that assures the laborer the 
full product of his toil I fully subscribe. 

The system of economy based upon the right of the indi- 
viduals usurping and monopolizing the factors of production or 
any one of them, although, in the process, there is a mixing of 
real wealth, and the mixture is called capital, tbe composition 
being used to speculate upon the productive powers of others, 
I oppose as radically wrong in principle. 

For the reason that the economic wealth in such a system 
can not be justly and equally distributed. And for the further 
reason, that the distribution of real wealth, can only be just 
and equal, in a system, where the factors of its production are 
treated as they really are. the common heritage of all produc- 
ers to he used in the proportion that each is capable. To these 
I subscribe, regardless of what they may be called, or what 1 
may be called for so doing, because I believe such to be right, 

35 



and capable of application, and curative and preventive of the 
evils that the present system entails. 

The strength and beauty of the common law of England lies 
in the fact, tbat it is a growth, something that has shaped and 
adapted itself along with, for, and in accordance with the 
conditions, changes and wants of the people. 

"It is reason dealing by the light of experience in human 
affairs." 

I Black. Com. 472. 

It has always been that which was necessary and desired 
by the people, which is to say; that it has never in any age, 
been intrinsically what it was in any other, yet in all ages it has 
been the SAME — to the people. 

True it is, that many inroads have been made upon it, 
chief among which were the innovaiions following the con- 
quest; which sat heavily upon it, and caused abnormal growths. 
But along with these, there were also other growths, that arose 
out of the necessities of the situation, and most admirably met 
the evils involved. 

The most striking of these inroads, was the steady growth 
of dead perpetuities, caused by the land falling into the clutches 
of corporations, (chiefly church) to obviate which, the statutes 
of Mortmain were enacted. 

These were but expedients, growths, commensurate with 
the conditions, changes and wants of the people. 

These laws were salutary in more ways than one, they pre- 
vented the aggregation of enormous and oppressive power in a 
few places in the extensive ownership and control of lands. 

They also kept these lands from dead perpetuities, and in 
live succession to the use and benefit of the producers of the 
realm. 

They were based upon the correct principle, and stand as 
statues of liberty enlightening the world" of even today. 

They were simply means devised by the people, to pre- 
vent such uses of the factors of production as were oppressive 
and destructive of themselves. 

And that is precisely what is meant when it is said "The 
source of all power is in the people, and self preservation is 
their highest law." 

Both of which axioms, are combined in that broad principle 
of the common law, "It is competent for the people to devise 
such measures, governing their association, as will prevent op- 
pression and guarantee equality and justice." 

While it may be said that Mortmain, was a corrective meas- 
ure designed to obviate an unintentional wrong; yet the fetter- 

36 



ing and monopolizing one of the factors of production, for all 
the lack of intention, was still an egregious evil. 

And there is no reason whatever, why the principle may 
not be applied to prevent the same evil, though INTENDED in 
our system. 

No one can give any plausible reason why it should be con- 
ceded that one man, owns a million acres of land. Think of it! 
What can it mean? What can he do with it? And what does 
he do with it? 

If a man can maintain a family on ten acres of land (and 
he can handsomely) it simply means that the man with the mil- 
lion has the call and command, in an unwarranted degree, upon 
one hundred thousand families. 

That is what he can, and the strenuosity of the times shows 
that, that is what, in a great measure, is being done in such 
instances. 

And if those sturdy English Yeomen obviated the increas- 
ing evil of dead perpetuities by the principle underlying Mort- 
main, we may by the application of the same principle, dispel a 
similar evil that permeates our system, the monopoly of land 
for speculation. 

Nor will it be necessary to dispense with the private own- 
ership of property, in order to accomplish it. 

Such can never happen, nor is it desirable that it should, 
but on the contrary, it will be brought a'bout by a strengthening 
of the right and rule of private property, even to the assuring to 
each producer, the full measure of his product. 

And if men would only take the time to reason, what an 
enormous step in advancement toward the correcting the pres- 
ent wrongs, could be taken in the following simple enactment. 

In any instance where an individual being possessed of such 
lands as are necessary and usable by him, desires to hold still 
others in the community, that can be, and is desired for use by 
others, where such others are ready and willing to pay the pro- 
per tribute to the maintenance of the community for the oc- 
cupancy of such land, in all such instances, let it he ordained, 
that the holder of such unused land, shall pay annually the 
amount that any other is willing to pay for the occupancy of it, 
such payment to be made, to the community government. 

This simple rule would settle for all time the many and dif- 
ficult questions that now puzzle the brain of the landlord, ten- 
ant, capitalist, laborer and even the statesman. 

No more would the landlord or capitalist have to sweat his 
brain to fix the sale value, to include, wear and tear, and pos- 
sible expenses of re-entry. 

37 



Nor would lie have to worry himself in fixing the annual 
rental value of such property, so as to cover wear and tear, 
taxes, time vacant, and interest on his investment (generally the 
heavy end). 

And even the statesman's work would be much simplified, 
for then, the burden of landlordism and monopoly being lifted, 
all taxes could be easily placed upon the land, and the burden 
to the occupyer and producer, would be but a bagatelle of what 
it now is. 

In such case, all legislation concerning taxing incomes and 
inheritances could be, and would be. dispensed with, while much 
that has to do with charity would receive similar treatment, 
and our solons for the first time perhaps, would have time to 
consider the positive side of man's existence, that which points 
and directs to a higher and more desirable estate, instead of as 
now, wearing themselves away, in devising remedial laws, to 
obviate present and newly budding evils, and in checking the 
avalanche of selfishness, greed, rapacity and crime, together 
with charitably mending wrecks left in its wake, which now 
constitutes ninety-nine hundredths of the legislation of the age. 
They would even have time to go a fishing, without (the) 
"interests." They could, get along without the tariff. 

Tt is objected, that such involves too great and radical a 
change to be hoped or contemplated. 

The most radical change involved is that under such a 
regime, everybody would have to work, including "father" and 
no wealth to him who did not work, (working somebody would 
nor be included). 

Surely that would not be objectionable, except to a few, 
and it is not improbable that we could handle them, as many 
are treated now who can not at all times be employed, in fact 
we could just give them plenty of room in the same places that 
this large number is now compelled to occupy. 

Another very decided change would be in the following: 
With the monopoly of land removed, and the obtaining of a 
place on earth in which to live and apply one's energy to the 
prcdrcing of wealth, made easy and in the reach of every one, 
t'~e question of tenements, and tenement crowding, skyscraping, 
c Id and comfortless garrets, damp and dark cellars, holes, 
and hovels as places of abode for human beings, with exorbit- 
ant and soul-racking rents will be unknown. 

For the reason, that it will be possible for men to live in 
communities on the face of the earth, each with room enough, 
and suitable sunlight to his development to the highest pos- 
sible. 

38 



True, there would not be such a conservation of space as 
there is now and many would not abide as high up toward 
Heaven as now, neither would a great horde abide as deeply 
toward, the center of the earth as now, and most assuredly, not 
as deeply in the quagmire of want and suffering and condition 
forced sin, as that in which they are now compelled to eke out 
their existence. 

And while communities would be more extended than they 
are now, they surely would be decidedly more desirable places 
in which to live. 

While the luxuries and vain pleasures of a few might in 
some measure be curtailed, the heartache of the many would 
be unknown. 

While needless fortunes of the few, would be diminished, 
the necessities of the many would, by their own efforts, be met 
and satisfied. «-- 

Charity and begging, alike, would speedily become lost arts, 
and as a substitute for the whole we would soon see, a stalwart 
and sturdy manhood, supported and encouraged by the love and 
appreciation of stately matrons, engaged in the training of in- 
telligent and virtuous maidens, along with strong and honorable 
scions, as our assurance of excellence and perpetuity of the 
state. 

Surely no one can object to a change of this kind, and sure- 
ly, no one, when considering the simple nature of the process 
by which it can be attained, will say that it is too radical to 
hope for, or to contemplate. 

For to so say would be simply to enroll one's self as opposed 
to such change. 

And while it may not be accomplished as if by magic, still 
the process need not be extremely long drawn out. 

All that is needed, is that men shall become SUSCEP- 
TIBLE TO REASON, to the extent of seeing that just in the 
DEGREE THAT MONOPOLY OF UNUSED LANDS IS DIS- 
MISSED FROM OUR SYSTEM, the SINGLE TAX OF IT, for 
GOVERNMENTAL PURPOSES WILL TAKE ITS PLACE by 
force of circumstances, and that after a very small portion of 
what men how TAX EACH OTHER, under the landlord system, 
is thus taken for governmental purposes, the remainder will be 
left to the producer. And production would be just as great 
as ever, with the happiness of the world infinitely multiplied. 

I believe the one principle can be worked out of our sys- 
tem, and the ether worked into it, with such a degree of con- 
servatism, as will protect actual and vested values to such an 
extent, as will create less of consternation in those who would 

39 



maintain the present method, than what should be awakened in 
them, by a serious and proper consideration of the trend of cur- 
rent conditions. 

Beyond all question, it may be done with less of force, than 
is now necessary and constantly used to maintain the present 
system. 



A LIVING EXAMPLE. 

While the principles of the common law, and that of Mort- 
main have not produced a state of perfection, yet the fact that 
they have been highly beneficial in the degree of their 
application proves their sterling worth, and the desirability of 
their full application. 

Their true worth can not be better presented than by a 
comparison of those governments from which they were absent, 
with (his one in which they ohtained; as well also, with the only 
one, where they were utilized in a greater, and in their greatest 
degree. 

In the latter portion of the eighteenth and the first part of the 
nineteenth centuries when the economic conditions in Europe 
were such, that contention and strife, force and violence, riot, 
war and assassination seemed to be the order of the day, a spirit 
of concession pervaded the course in England, which evinced 
itself in her laws of an Agrarian nature, culminating in the great 
reform bill of 1832. 

By reason of this course, she saved herself the terrors of 
an internecine war, so that most of her violence was in wars ex- 
ternal. 

While in her sister kingdom Prance, similar circumstances 
in her populace were met by clipping the coin as a means of 
drawing from the people that which they could not produce, 
and thereby further oppressed them. 

While instead of Mortmain, or laws of Agrarian tendency, 
the monopoly of the landed gentry was more securely safe- 
guarded, until alas unhappy chance, this security by reason of 
its ponderousness became weakened to the point of breaking. 
Which breaking, with its immediate consequences constitutes one 
c-f the most interesting epochs in the history of the world, and 
will thus continue for all time. 

And a stronger example have we yet, in the one civiliza- 
tion that has proceeded in accordance with the above men- 
tioned principles in a greater degree than any other of which 
we have known. 

The people comprising the civilization of which I speak, had 

40 



a very short written constitution, but they had quite a system 
of rules and custom. A system of "Reason dealing by the light 
of experience in human affairs." 

Handed down from age to age, by patriarchs and law-giv- 
ers, and which grew and changed with, and to suit the wants 
and conditions of the people, a most excellent system of what 
was, by the English, called common law, and which was in 
vogue many years before the appearance of that which we know 
as their written law. 

Theirs was the only civilization known, in which land was 
not monopolized and held as wealth or capital, for they did not, 
nor have they ever claimed to own the land. 

And they early safeguarded their system against this evil, 
by establishing the custom of periodically breaking up and re- 
adjusting conditions, so as to wholly prevent its appearance and 
growth. 

It may not be objected, that the example of which I shall 
speak, "Is the new and untried dream of some one, drunk with 
one idea," for it is the oldest civilization of which we have 
much recorded history, and is the one upon which all others, as 
we shall see, have drawn for their economy, law, literature and 
religion, each one prospering, in the degree that it has copied. 
As a community, it has been the most compact, although its 
parts have been scattered completely over the earth. 

It has been a perfect example of government, although, 
for more than four thousand years no country has borne its 
name, and as such government, it has fostered and maintained 
a most perfect union and the general welfare of those con- 
cerned, without the aid of a standing army, and has never built 
nor owned a man-of-war. 

Of all communities, governments or civilizations that have 
swung into the course of human events, this is the only one that 
has observed that the ownership of the earth itself is some- 
thing different from the right to its usufruct, and that a gift of 
the latter, does not involve a deed to the former. 

This example of which I speak, the community or govern- 
ment which I have in mind, is familiar to all, it is the Jewish 
Empire, and its history, is the history of the civilized world. 

The antiquity of the Jewish community, I am sure, will be 
universally conceded by all who are politely informed. 

And that through all the course of human events, though 
scattered by persecution, it has remained as entire, as when first 
formed on the plains of Shinar, will be like-"wise conceded. 

And that as a community, it has been unaffected hy the 

41 



civilizations through which it has passed, and to which it has 
given force and vigor, is equally true. 

Indeed, it is a fair sample of that early community, herein- 
before mentioned, our first record of them being that, of their 
Nomadic sojourn in the valley of the Euphrates, where they 
gathered the fruit of their labor, and asked, nor claimed nothing 
more. 

And still they grew opulent, in this manner of existence, 
"multiplying and replenishing, and subduing the earth" as there- 
to-fore enjoined, yet owning, nor claiming to own and mono- 
polize no part thereof, as wealth for the purpose of exploiting 
others. 

Their unbroken line of success, under unfavorable, as well 
as favorable conditions, is conclusive evidence that their meth- 
ods are adaptable to any portion of the world, for they have 
not only reaped it, amidst the sun-kissed plains and placid 
streams of Judea, but it followed. "The hanging of their harps 
upon the willows, and weeping by the waters of Babylon," as 
well. 

And although they have eaten the blackest bread, and drunk 
the bitterest water of persecution amid the perpetual snows of 
Muscovy and throughout all Europe even, yet they have not 
done so empty handed, and drifting with the tide of humanity to 
more congenial fields of the new world, they have attained and 
maintained a citizenship among the most substantial. 

Wherever on earth civilized man has been found, there also, 
this empire has been established, and has exerted a lasting ef- 
fect, while this empire itself, has remained intact, save only 
to grow stronger, and more pronounced. 

Whatever there is in the world today, in the domain of law, 
religion and economics, worthy of consideration, was present 
and practiced in a higher degree, in this empire thousands of 
years ago. 

No criminal code of today, is an improvement upon that of 
Moses. 

Even that boasted in modern England, with more than two 
hundred capital offenses, suffers, when compared with that in 
the Jewish empire, with only four of such crimes. 

There is no system of domestic relations to be found, that 
is an improvement upon that found in the 22nd and 23rd chap- 
ters of Exodus, and special reference is had to their very simple 
law of divorce and alimony, which was a classic, as compared 
with our potpourri on the same subject. 

As makers and ministers of the law, we have not yet, sur- 
passed their Moses or Solomon. 

42 



In that empire, the Sanhedrim, was in short order, the ad- 
ministration of government, and included their system of econ- 
omy, morals, religion and justice, and was simple, plain and 
easy of application. 

The industrial and economic polity in this empire was such 
as to make it the smoothest and easiest of operation that we 
have known, and where it has had actual control, the produc- 
tion and distribution of wealth was such, that strikes and lock- 
outs were unknown, and periodical depressions and panics .did 
not occur, but instead, the peacemaking jubilee. 

An empire in which the subjects have prospered as the 
green bay tree insomuch that they constitute the financial 
barometer of the world, and this too, in spite of the fact, that 
they have never owned or monopolized land and estimated it in 
any great degree, as wealth. (They have in the last few years, 
fallen into the habit in the United States, where it is said, they 
own more land than they do in the remainder of the world.) 

The civilization in this empire, has indeed been unique, in 
that it has prepared its subjects for citizenship in 'every land 
under the sun, in which they have made records among the 
best, in every walk of life, containing the smallest proportion of 
criminals, along with the largest proportion of energetic and 
successful citizens. 

Without malice, but instead, charity towards all others, 
these subjects have only asked a place on earth to stand un- 
fettered, in which to operate, which is the natural right of every 
one, regardless of his nativity. 

Nor can it be said, that there was any thing abnormal in 
the development of the subjects of this empire, for has the 
world had, or have we today, a ministry that will compare fav- 
orably with, or excel its prophets? Peculiar and eccentric 
though they were, yet righteous men they were; and withal, 
deep thinkers who, with keen insight dipped deeply into the 
future to pronounce the destiny of men. 

No church of today even, has improved upon the priesthool 
and priest-craft of Aaron. 

While all other civilizations were groaning under a load of 
plural gods, in this empire, Jehovah, as an all-pervading all- 
powerful personality had directed the cosmic forces through 
chaos and thick darkness, to the utterance of the first law of 
life, "Let there be light." 

A point from which we have since measured time, and at 
which we began to record the deeds of men. 

The religion of tLis Jehovah has taught these subjects, that 



the best remedy .'or the wrongs of others, is to forget them, a 
religion they hava worn closely and with care. 

For while it is a fact, that through all ages, they have been 
alone and entire in the midst of the greatest complexity, their 
conduct has been, to lend to each civilization through which 
they have passed, rather than to draw from them, even to the 
extent of transplanting into such civilizations, the strength and 
beauty of their Jehovah. 

And yet, in spite of this fact even, most of those, whom 
they have thus enlightened, have in the name of the very God, 
whom they were taught to serve, persecuted their said teachers 
with a relentlessness, wholly void by reason and shame. 

I have said, that this peculiar empire, had a short written 
constitution, and short indeed it was, but for all that, it was by 
no means unimportant. 

For as I look into the future and observe that beautiful 
realm, where reason reigns supreme, when parliaments shall 
have been indefinitely prorogued, when chambers of deputies 
shall have ceased to convene, when reichstags shall have been 
permanently closed, when even the congress of our United States, 
shall have been adjourned without day, and the world shall 
be ripe for the assembly of man, in such an auspicious moment, 
and in such a transcendently grand convocation, it is not a 
stretch of tiie imagination to think of it adopting, as its con- 
stitution the ten sections of this ancient empire's written law. 
without the change of a line, word or letter. 

The real worth of the two systems of economy, can not 
better be presented, than by comparison. 

Egyptian civilization is remembered chiefly by reason of 
its relation to, and treatment of the Jews, and Egyptian civiliza- 
tion has remaining of its prestige and power, crumbling ruins 
and shriveled mummies, while the Jews have greater numbers, 
increased wealth, and a more substantial civilization, than they 
had at any time previous, or during their sojourn in Egypt 

Their treatment under the Babylonish civilization, was 
similar to that under the Egyptian, and Babylon, even Babylon, 
with her hanging gardens, is forgotten, while the Jews are 
stronger than ever. 

Coming westward with the course of empire, into Europe, 
we notice imperial Spain as the earliest and most conspicuous 
of their persecutors and Spain, as Spain was then, is no more, 
but instead, like the countless colonies she has planted, is now 
herself, planted at the bottom of the category of nations, seem- 
ingly without power to grow, while the Jewish empire is still 
in full vigor, to lend her financial aid and succor. 

44 



Portugal was the next to lend the fire and force of race 
prejudice and hatred to their persecution, and Portugal is such 
that no one is found so poor and unworthy as to desire her 
crown, which seems to be worth no more than the smiles and 
favors of an attractive woman, while the Jew, increases in num- 
ber, wealth, and consideration in the councils of nations. 

Their condition in the Muscovite empire, is one of the im- 
portant questions of the age, and unsettled, suffice it to say, 
doubly distilled and concentrated persecution, is not capable of 
overriding and annulling their economic laws. 

Holland, of all Europe, is the one country that at all times 
has given them asylum, and Holland of them all, is the only one 
that has never suffered serious reverse, and one whose course 
has been one of continued progression, onward and upward. 

Then in the light of history, it is well that the United States 
has in a degree, awakened to a sense of duty, in the matter of 
race consciousness, in so much as to propose the resolution, 
passed in the house a few days since, giving as its basis, "The 
fair and just treatment of all men, at home and abroad, regard- 
less of race or religion." 

And it is to be deplored that that august body, the senate, 
saw fit in their high prerogative, to strike from that resolution, 
that WEALTH OF SENTIMENT, that ALONE could give RISE 
TO IT, and go on record with the bare statement, "We abrogate 
and part from you" which could be done for an infinite number 
of reasons, all of which, COULD be wrongful, but there was 
ONE RIGHTFUL ONE, and it does seem to me, that the posi- 
tion of the house, was altogether highly proper, humanely broad, 
just, and courageous, and much to be preferred. 

From a consideration of the history of the people in this 
empire, together with the conduct of others towards them, the 
following facts clearly appear: 

No one is so blind as he, who will not see. 

No one is so ignorant as he, who will not receive instruc- 
tion. 

That the great majority of mankind, do not see the enuncia- 
tion of an economic truth and law, but instead the utterance of 
a curse in the following: "In the sweat of thy face, shalt thou 
eat bread." 

That avarice, envy and fear, in the stronger branches of 
mankind have been so increased and intensified by continuous 
violation of the above economic law, as to develop in them a 
class and race consciousness, so heavily impregnated with hate, 
that it is insensible to all that is worthy, in any other than 
their own. 

47, 



And unfortunately for mankind, on account of the stress of 
economic conditions, this insensibility sits so heavily upon 
them; that they may be awakened therefrom, in no other way, 
than by the dulcet sound of a golden lyre, or the deadly rattle 
of bristling musketry. 



THE CERTAINTY AND JUSTICE IN REASON AND THE 
UNCERTAINTY OF SENTIMENT. 

The philosophy of the history of the Jewish empire is not 
more interesting than that of that other and majority portion 
of humanity, the course of which, has been so different from 
that of the Jew. 

The course of the one, has been governed by reason, while 
that of the other, has been by the lack of it. 

And while in the latter instance, the system of procedure, 
has been based upon a most beautiful theory, the practice has 
been but to mock such theory most completely, by the practice 
of its opposite. 

And the thing that must be done, if deliverance is desired 
and expected, is to adopt a course of conduct that will wipe out 
all specious and high-sounding sentiment and theory, and get 
upon a basis, of common sense, of cause and effect, subject to 
the rules of reason. 

The first step we should take in that direction, should be to 
waste no more time in quibbling about the universal brotherhood 
of men. 

The idea is offensive to many, and of very little value to 
any. If it ever was of "sterling worth," under the strain of the 
present economic systems, it has lost whatever worth it had, so 
that in the most direct of such relationship, if tested too sev- 
erely, it will prove to be such a brotherly love as the first born, 
had for the second. 

So while I have no fight to make on the idea, and concede 
its beauty as a conception, yet, I am inclined to think it, like 
the theory of anarchy, is too high and too perfect for practice 
among men. 

And I am sure that a system of civilization or government 
based upon reason, is decidedly more substantial and safe, than 
one based upon sentiment, however beautiful, though it be one 
Theoretically of transcendent love. 

I am aware of the objection that will be made, that "Such 
a course will mar the symmetry of our most beautiful system 
(theoretically), with the world of hope that has been built around 

45 



it, all of which, is based upon love. "Brotherly love, divine love." 
etc., etc., and would deprive us of the exquisite pleasure we now 
enjoy in contemplation. 

Admitting that in a realm, where reason reigned supreme, 
there would not be such display of this love, still such admis- 
sion is but the affirmance of what we now haveT the lack of 
such, save in theory only. 

I have no quarrel with those who love, but would reason 
with them even. 

We know that this love theory is like, in fact, is the same 
as that of good and evil. Now we get an idea of good, by 
entertaining a notion of evil, the one. just as distinctly an ex- 
istence as the other. 

So with love and hate, and in actual practice, we have a 
system, with this love as the theory for its basis, while hate 
pure and simple dominates it. 

And it has this advantage by reason of the fact, that our 
very system of government, is based upon a reversal of economic 
law, and its complex operation constitutes just so many wrong- 
ful causes, which in accordance with the certain and infallible 
law of cause and effect, FORCE men to disregard the beautiful 
injunctions of the love theory. 

And thus it will ever be. 

Hence my purpose is not to decrease this sentiment, or any 
force it may have, but rather, to impress the idea to not depend 
upon it. (To be disappointed by its absence, as is generally the 
case). 

And in its ste&d, would have a system, in which its opposite, 
would net have the advantage, by reason of the systematic per- 
petration of economic crime, which under the law of cause and 
sequence, must ever override and nullify the force of senti- 
mental persuasion, however much we may revere it. 



A REASONABLE MAN IS MUCH TO BE PREFERRED OVER 
AN EXCESSIVELY RELIGIOUS (ONLY) ON?.. 

A system of reason, pure and simple, in which, class and 
race consciousness, sometimes called conscience of the crowd, 
which we have seen, is blind to all, other than selfish interest, 
and which has been a pillar of cloud, darkening the way of 
mankind through all ages, and has. stretched a red line of war, 
rapine and murder, from the point where he reversed the great 
economic law, shall be displaced, by properly conceiving that 
"In the sweat of thy face, shalt thou eat bread," was given to 
all, and for all, a law, and not a curse. 



And this class and race consciousness, as a force, is not 
less dangerous and subtile now, than formerly, and is generally 
composed of the combined sensibility of all, void, however, of 
the reason of any and all, hence a most dangerous and dynamic 
force. 

It has developed an exceedingly dangerous pace in Amer- 
ican civilization, even to that of a bold and unbridled assault 
upon the palladium of liberty, vouchsafed in the verdict of 
"twelve good men and true" by substituting therefor, the dic- 
tate of the conscience of the crowd, which as a governmental 
principle, is worse than an empty void. 

Unfortunately there are those in great number, who waste 
much time and energy in the display of this same force, con- 
science of the crowd, for the purpose of relieving the human 
family from industrial oppression while a like number seek the 
same method for the purpose of industrially enslaving their fel- 
lows. 

Both of which classes are wrong, in that they are but fret- 
ting away their energy, against that which is the inevitable ef- 
fect of causes arising in the very basis of our economic system; 
which can never serve any other purpose, than to increase the 
evil, intended to be remedied. 

These deadly and unnoticed exhibitions of conscience of the 
crowd, though often barbarous in their nature, are far from be- 
ing the most serious features of the situation. 

Were I required to give a definition of state or government, 
I would have little hesitancy in concluding, that the soul and 
substance of government, is not so much in the makers of the 
law, nor in its ministers, nor even in a combination of these, as 
it is in the respect and confidence of the people, in the integrity 
of the courts, the interpreters of the law. 

The day will indeed be dark for our civilization, in which, it 
can be said. "Such respect is no more, and such confidence is 
gone." 

I can conceive of the actual destruction of a particle of mat- 
ter on earth, or other member of our solar system, which would 
destroy the equilibrium by which each member is held in its 
orbit, and with gravity remaining intact. The imagination is beg- 
gared to picture the result of earth, Mars, Saturn, sun and other 
fixed stars, becoming crossed and mixed in their courses, all play- 
ing wildly through endless space, in a state verily and truly, of 
chaos and utter confusion. 

And still such a picture of material creation, resultant upon 
such incident, is not an overdrawn comparison of the state of 
civilization, in that dreadful day, when we shall so lightly con- 

48 



sider our courts, as to abrogate respect and confidence for and 
in them. 

And yet, that dread and subtile force, conscience of the 
crowd, having been allowed to spend itself at will, upon weak 
and hated elements of the community, as well also, and with 
equal wrong, for the purpose of establishing industrial freedom, 
is thereby emboldened to stalk into the very temple of justice, to 
break and remove its sacred vessels, aye, within her hallowed 
walls, to even throttle the minister thereof, with the deadly clasp 
of the recall. 

No, no, dear people, the trouble, as I maintain, is not so 
much in the courts, as it is, in the very theory of our system. 

Change that, rather than curse and recall the courts for 
maintaining what there is redeeming, and of dignity in it. 

Then let us think seriously, and pause often, before we em- 
bark with new fangled flashlight progression, lest our bark prove 
to be but a comet in the solar system of common sense, to drift, 
to wander, as is the custom of comets, aimlessly, and without 
fixed purpose, to pass to the unknown. 

Let us not fail to remember, that no people can be so com- 
pletely shorn of liberty, as those in a republic mad with pride 
of its freedom. 

And that unlimited liberty, and despotism, constitute adjoin- 
ing segments of a circle of human events. 

On account of the rather unusual commotion, recently 
brought about, it would be well for us to pause sufficiently to re- 
member, that hero worship, is hero worship now, just as com- 
pletely so, as it was in the ages past. 

That it is not commensurate with devotion to principle, and 
is as void of real worth, as it ever was, and is equally as danger- 
ous to the well being of the people. 

And above all, we should call to mind, that the halo of even 
a real hero goes out, with his passing, while the life of a principle 
is eternal. 

While I would give ear to and hail with delight every new 
idea of progress, regardless of the banner under which it sails, 
I can conceive of no greater misfortune befalling the present 
civilization, than the universal disrespect and lack of confidence 
in our judiciary. 

In such a condition we will be without hope of other than 
a most deplorable state of affairs, a condition in which continu- 
ous and uncertain change, will replace sober certainty, where 
rest will be displaced by unrest, and might will sit in the seat 
of righteousness, where reason will be dethroned and caprice 
will reign supreme. And in such awful state and condition, I 

49 



ween, we could wish: NOT FOR A STRIDING NIMROD SEEK- 
ING new FIELDS of Endeavor, but rather for as STRONG and 
STURDY a hand, as that of that matchless master of CHURCH 
and STATE, of the ages long ago, to cast the magic circle of 
reason, and "conjure with the powers of this industrial age, to 
curb the strong and protect the weak." 

It is the sheerest weakness to think of legislating real worth 
into a people. 

A multiplicity of remedial laws, does not bespeak much wis- 
dom; better would it be, to have one enactment, to reach that 
which is productive of the evils, than so many remedies to 
obviate them. 

If there is no safety in, or dependence to be put in a judici- 
ary made up of the most suitable part of the people, properly 
regulated by the elective franchise, and over which, at all times 
hangs the effective corrective of impeachment an ever present 
appeal to honor and integrity, then there is still less of depend- 
ence to be put in such judiciary, when made up of the most un- 
fit of such people, subject at all times to the uncertain and un- 
reasonable fluctuation of crowd consciousness in them. 

If the people are not to be trusted in the first instance, what 
possible reason is there for trusting them in the second? 

'Tis true, it is all in, and with "the people," but 'tis also well, 
that we think seriously in these matters, and at all times, ob- 
serve the difference between education and agitation. 

Educate as to the certainty and irresistible features of the 
law of cause and effect, and that the application of energy to the 
removal of the cause of evil, is much to be preferred, to wasting 
it in agitation upon the inevitable effects of such cause. 

Educate men to the point of fully understanding the weak- 
ness and futility of holding prejudice and hate for each other. 

Show them that the sum of what can come to them from the 
process, is the negative experience of hating. 

Show them, that when they have hated most consummately, 
they have done nothing, that could not have been accomplished 
in the same degree, by those whom they have hated, though they 
may be ever so unworthy. 

Show them that no redeeming quality is necessary in any 
one, in order that he may exercise this negative one of hating, in 
the highest possible degree. 

Show them that it is a fact, that all other qualities of the 
soul, are actually covered and completely dampered in the exer- 
cise of this negative trait. 

Show them how little they accomplish when they allow 
themselves to be dominated by this principle of negation, for the 

50 



reason that there are no circumstances so precarious, that it 
will not survive in them, and no conditions so contrary to its 
existence that it will not breed under them. 

Show them, that it lives upon nothing, and grows strong and 
destructive where nothing else will live, and that nothing is too 
sacred to be blasted and destroyed by its deadly contact, that in 
truth, it is a- blight rather than a blessing to him, who is possess- 
ed of it. 

Show them, that they have reached the converse of the at- 
tainment of the master metaphysician, in his renowned conclu- 
sion, "I think, therefore, I exist," "and that they may at any time 
observe the fact, and draw the conclusion, the very opposite, 
as follows: "1 hate, therefore, I am blotting out positiveness, 
and am molting, wasting, drifting to negation and nothingness." 

And here, let me pause to remark, that of all the boons with 
which man bas been blessed, none is to be compared in great- 
ness with that he has enjoyed, in the ABSENCE of this quality 
of HATE, in those of the HUMBLER ESTATES IN LIFE, for 
those, whose treatment OF THEM could bear improvement. 

This has been true, regardless of whether the oppressed and 
hated, were a part of the oppressors, or were members of a dif- 
ferent race. 

And preeminently is this true, of the American civilization, 
which fact, accounts for the SURVIVAL, and PROGRESS IN IT, 
of certain elements OF IT, in spite of dissimilarity. 

It is indeed a beautiful conception to contemplate. 

And if the situation was a subject of prayer, and it devolved 
upon me to perform, in this wise I would pray, "May the God of 
all Grace INCREASE and PERFECT such ABSENCE, and IN- 
DEFINITELY DEFER the day, of its MUTUAL PRESENCE in 
the oppressor and oppressed." 

And one thing further I might ask. That those who, in all 
things else are fortunate, save in being possessed of this quality 
of NEGATION, that they, in some small measure curtail it, and 
instead, adopt this simple method, "Come let us reason to- 
gether." 

And this too, WITH EACH ELEMENT, as AN ENTITY, with- 
in the pale of civilization, subject to just civic and economic 
laws, under which conditions, each will reach the goal of its 
highest possibilities, IN ENTIRETY, AS WAS INTENDED. 

I would also further ask that the conclusions reached in this 
convocation of reason, should be of binding force. 

And one among the first to be reached, I believe would be: 
"Men are masters of their fates, and that the fault, is not so 

51 



much, in their stars, as in themselves, that they HAVE GONK 
WRONG." 

And I thus believe, because of the fact, that I accept the full 
force of that law of logic known as, "The principle or law of suf- 
ficient reason" hereinbefore given, and in accordance with which 
I further believe that man's course on earth, with its copious flow 
of innocent blood, accompanied by poverty and all of its horrible 
concomitants has been one of choice, and could have been the op- 
posite, but for the cherishing in those who have dominated the 
policy of the world, an overwrought idea of race and class con- 
sciousness, which has bred, and still breeds a feeling, easily 
grown into a prejudice and hatred, which has substituted the 
sword of revenge, for tbe sceptre of peace, the barbed and steel- 
clad man-of-war, for the well laden merchantman, avarice, fear, 
and envy, for fair dealing, honor and equal justice, which has 
been the prime cause of all of the undesirable in his career. 



THE OUTLOOK. 



The all-important question of the age is: For what may we 
hope, with any probability of obtaining? 

Since we have seen that our civilization possesses all the 
principal features that were common through all others. 

And that the increase of possibilities that should come to 
the producer, by reason of invention and improvement of facili- 
ties, fails to appear, or appearing, is swept out of his column, and 
into that of the landlord, by reason of the practice of landlordism 
in our system of government. 

Also, that economic principles, are not affected by enacted 
laws, but have existed in all time, and if respected, the result is 
desirable, if disrespected, the result inevitably is otherwise, (and 
that our case is very much, otherwise). 

That in the past, religion as it has been limited and prac- 
ticed, has been powerless to keep the star of civilization on the 
ascendency, and that in spite of all of them, the several civiliza- 
tions have waned, wasted and withered. 

Also, that the rose tint in the picture of the present, depends 
much upon the credulity in the observer. 

I do not mean by anything I have said, or shall say, to indict 
religion for shortcoming, but rather to say in its favor, that not- 
withstanding its liberal offers, and all of our pretentions, we 
have never come to the point of honestly and fully relying upon 
and trusting in it. 

It has never had a fair and full trial, but while that is true, 

52 



the evidence is just as strong that it will never succeed in getting 
one. 

But regardless of the correctness of either one or both 01 
these inferences, neither the one nor both, can have any force 
as evidence, that the remedy, afforded in a realm of reason, will 
not reach the evils from which we suffer. 

In fact, we have seen such a lack of observance of the law 
of cause and effect, such a failure to apply the simple rule of 
reason to the government of men. such a stretching of the rules 
of his saving grace, and such a strengthening of the rule of gold, 
that in desperation, we are forced to cry out: 

'"Awake, awake, ye seekers of the Holy Grail, hastily awake 
from thy lethargy, awake, to a full sense of the urging com- 
mand, to begin a new crusade. A crusade for the benefit ?: 
eaith (Heaven would necessarily be glorified.) 

A crusade, for equal justice between men, so that "men with 
men, will reasonable be" rather than that they shall, wilfully and 
systematically wrong each other, while they utter the false, emp- 
ty, and needless prayer, "Lord teach me to do right." 

Or if thou wilt not awake and bestir thyself, then frown 
not, upon those who would not be thus supine, but instead, join 
with them in their effort to get in unison with the following 
eternal economic laws. 

"Be fruitful, multiply and replenish the earth, and SUBDUE 
it. and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and the fowl of the 
air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth." 

And that other of equal importance in this: 

"In the sweat of thy face, shalt thou eat bread." 

And it would be well, just here to notice, and remember, that 
in the first, the gift to man, was the USUFRUCT, and not the 
earth itself. 

And that if it was not right and proper for Adam to mono- 
polize and speculate upon land, it has not been right in an;; age 
since, nor is it the best policy now. 

Also, observe, that in the second, there is no exception, but 
that it was meant to, and for all MEN alike. 

In working out and applying the above principles to the gov- 
ernment of the community of man, the following conclusions 
will be found to be true and applicable. 

The happiness of man depends upon the wealth produced 
by his labor, therefore, all who would be happy, of necessity must 
labor. 

There is, and can be no wealth, other than that produced 
by labor. The portion of wealth flue to the producer, is all thai he 
produces. 

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No one is entitled to wealth that he does not produce, except 
Dy the gift of the producer. 

The capital of the world, is the surplus wealth therein. 

Therefore, land is not, and can never be economically classed 
as wealth or capital. 

If capital is used in the production of other wealth, it is but 
the use of surplus wealth, and when owned by another than the 
producer, such owner's portion of the product, is legitimate in- 
terest for the use of it. 

The only relation between capital and labor, is that, capital 
is entitled to a fair rate of interest for its use, and there is no 
conflict between them, nor can there be, for their interests are 
common. 

That the earth belongs to no man, or set of men, to hold 
for the spoliation of others. 

That monopoly of it for such purposes, is not wealth, but is, 
usurped power of oppression. 

That every soul born into the world has a right to use that 
portion of its surface, while here that he desires and can use, 
with a due regard and respect for a like right in all others. 

That he committed the first economic crime, who first pre- 
sumed to own the earth to the exclusion of his fellows. 

That a civil polity based upon such wrongful principle, will 
grow all the evils to which our system is heir. 

That it will be a slow process, (even impossible), to eradi- 
cate these evils, by sentimental persuasion, whatever the kind. 
That while such is the aim of religion, and it is good as far as it 
goes, we are forced to conclude, that its chances of success are 
doubtful. 

That whatever of increase in value may attach to land, (de- 
sirableness) by reason of the community, is the common property 
of the community, that this increase in desirableness, is what 
the community gives the individual, and gives it continuously 
and increasingly, as it, th© community, continues and increases. 

That it is this LAND VALUE that the community has a right 
to charge and burden for the privilege of enjoying its advant- 
ages. 

And this right it has for all necessary purposes, and that it 
has no other. 

That in a system of government, void of landlordism, how- 
ever great the accumulation of produced wealth, such wealth 
would not, and could not, become harmful or oppressive. 

That the paramount economic wrong of the age is in the 
monopoly of unused lands and the appropriation of the increased 
community value by individuals, and treating it as wealth, 

64 



though it has not a single earmark of it, and in fact is naught but 
so much power to exploit other producers of wealth. 

That it is this principle in our economics, that has, to the ex- 
tent that he is able to apply it, made a monopolizer and usurper 
of every one, and has raised the hand of every man against every 
other, and has prevented the great majority, in the enjoyment of 
their birthright, a place on earth, in which to operate, unfettered 
by another. 

That with this throttle removed from our system, and men 
left to freely assemble, production will have received an im- 
petus thac will last for all time, and commerce, the circulatory 
system of nations, will reach such a degree of perfection, as will 
break down and destroy every protective tariff in the world, 
while every one will then, receive the full result of his labor, 
without tribute to another, and for the first time since man's 
economic fall, the incentive to labor and produce, will be at its 
acme. 

A government based upon the above mentioned principles, 
and with the spirit of them worked out in its operation, would 
have a greater assurance of perpetuity, than can possibly arise 
from the mailed hand of an army, or the barbed steel of dread- 
naughts, for these have been used just as effectively to destroy, 
as they have to build civilization, while the above mentioned 
principles from their very nature, can not be other than construc- 
tive. The equilibrium growing out of the consequent jMmata^Hj 
just distribution, of the real wealth of the world, would give a 
decidedly greater assurance of contentment and continuity, than 
there can possibly be, in a government that is a paragon of ex- 
tremes, with the richest of the rich as the supplement of the 
poorest of the poor. 

The greatest reformer that ever walked upon earth, who has 
been put forth as a model for all time, never wore an epaulet, noi 
did he ever burnish a gun. And although, by trade a builder of 
houses, still we have little or nothing of the palatial quality of the 
one occupied by him. 

And we know as a surety, he never laid claim to a foot of 
land, nor did he ever make, or receive a deed, and yet for all this, 
he was not a tax dodger, as clearly appears from the following. 

(By the Pharisees): (Most of us belong to that class now.) 

Q. Tell us therefore, what thinkest thou? Is it lawful to 
give tribute unto Caesar? 

(By the Christ) : A. Show me YOUR tribute money. They 
Drought a PENNY, (they were many years ahead of their time, 
and up with the best citizens of today). 

55 



(By the Christ): Q. Whose is this image and superscrip 
tion? 

A. Caesar's. 

Then saith he unto them "render therefore unto Caesar the 
things which are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are 
God's." 

In another instance, when he and Peter dropped into Caper- 
naum, a tax collector said to Peter, "Say, has your master paid 
his taxes?" 

The master overhearing thp question, prevented the answer, 
in the following in substance: "You go down to the sea, cast in 
a hook, and take the money from the first catch, and pay it for 
me, and thee." 

And thus this model citizen without protest, paid his taxes — 
and paid them on what? 

Not on his wealth, for houses and cattle, or bank account, 
he had not. 

Nor did he lay claim to any vacant lots in that little city 
that was desired by others for use, which is the key note of the 
music of the capital world of today. Yet, as we observe, he paid 
his taxes on THE PLACE, THE LAND he occupied, with the ad- 
vantages of the community added, for that, was all he had on 
eaith. 

He was A SINGLE TAXER INDEED, "In whom THERE 
WAS no guile." If such was right in that early day, in that 
great, good and model man, can it be wrong, in us underlings 
today? 

Then let as awake, and implore each other to cease chatter- 
ing needless prayers, that we DO NOT MEAN, and upon which 
we do not really depend. 

But instead, bend our intelligent effort to the establishment 
of a government, based upon the simple principles, and rules of 
action herein given. 

And this may be done, without prejudice to the cherishing 
or even practising any theory of sentiment that is now put for- 
ward as a panacea for the evils to which we are heir. 

The difference being, that in this latter instance, such prac- 
:ice will bf> as mere inducement, or harmless diversion, and not 
relied upon as necessary and effective. 

And when we shall have divested ourselves of mysticism, 
makeshift and cant, and shall stand upon the vantage ground of 
truth and right reason, although we are well into the morning 
of the twentieth century, yet for all that, before its afternoon 
shall be far spent, we will see and actually experience, that 

56 



which was pictured by that prince of kindness, the embodiment 
of loving gentle manhood, that grand master of his cult, in the 
grandest of earthly visions, not grand, because of stupendous- 
ness, but rather because it was of the normal, the natural condi- 
tion of man. 

"I see a world where thrones have crumbled and where 
kings are dust. The aristocracy of idleness has perished from 
the earth. I see a world without a slave. Man at last is free. 
Nature's forces have by science been enslaved. Lightning and 
light, wind and wave, frost and flame, and all the subtle powers 
of the earth and air are the tirexess toilers for the human race. 

"I see a world at peace, adorned with every form of art, with 
music's myriad voices thrilled, while lips are rich with words of 
love and truth, a world in which no exile sighs, and no prisoner 
mourns, a world on which the gibbet's shadow does not fall, a 
world where labor reaps its full reward, where work and worth 
go hand in hand, where the poor girl, trying to win bread with a 
needle, the needle that has been called 'the asp for the breast 
of the poor' is not driven to the desperate choice of crime, or 
death, of suicide or shame. 1 see a world without the beggar's 
outstretched palm, the miser's heartless, stony stare, the piteous 
wail of want, the livid lips of lies, and the cruel eyes of scorn. 

"I see a race without disease of flesh or brain, shapely and 
fair, married harmony of form and function, and as I look, life 
lengthens, joy deepens, love canopies the earth, and over all, in 
the great dome shines the eternal star of human hope."' 

That such was a vision. I will concede. But that it is VI- 
SIONARY only, I emphatically deny, and have the temerity to as- 
sert, that such a world may be easily attained. 

And that it will be when, and where, the reign of reason will 
be supreme, although therein, false, senseless, selfish and unbe- 
lieved prayers, should be unknown. 

And while I will admit, that the attainment of such a world, 
will not be retarded or prevented by the theory or practice of 
the latter, yet I do maintain, that such a world will be impos- 
sible to attain, though in it, there were a continual din of such 
prayer, should it be dark, for the lack of the light of right rea- 
son. 

Then "Come let us reason together, it will do us good." 

Under its benignant rule, the winter of the world's dis- 
content and wretchedness, will be made the glorious summer of 
comfort, by the light of its equal justice, and all contention and 
strife that have hung so heavily upon it, will be completely wiped 
out, by its equal and inexorable laws. 

Then will the brow of its weary workers be bound with the 

57 



desirable wreath of the full product of their toil, their bruised 
and worn bodies given some rest from their tasks. 

Grim visaged avarice, envy and selfishness,' will change 
their repulsive countenances, and instead of reveling in one con- 
tinuous death dance, destructive of the happiness and souis of 
men, they will cease their hideous contortions forever. 

Then, r.o more will the overreaching, usurping monopolizer 
of the earth's surface be able to steal away the bodies of men 
and women to fill the gaping maw of greed, by demanding of 
them, his price, for their right to live on earth. 

From which, unjust exactions he is enabled to amass such 
fabulous wealth as to beggar the belief of the most credulous. 

Fortunes, too often expended unbecomingly in gilded 
palaces and waited halls, while the weary worn producers of the 
wealth thus wasted, eke out a half existence, in painful want, and 
repulsive squalor, and their very souls are worn away piece-meal, 
on the emery wheel of our economics. 

But instead, in the equitable (not necessarily equal) distribu- 
tion of the wealth of the world that will follow, we will see the 
gray dawn of equal justice to all men chase away the murky 
shades of overreaching wrong, and the black pall of selfishness 
will be lost in the bright effulgence of reason's high-noon, even 
as the sun, the maker of the day, dispels the display of night, by 
fading in HIS BRIGHTNESS, her ten thousand borrowed gems. 



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